HC Deb 13 July 1948 vol 453 cc1156-64

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[Mr. Popplewell.]

11.7 p.m.

Mr. Harrison (Nottingham, East)

My purpose in initiating this Debate on our Colonies in the West Indies is to focus the Parliamentary spotlight on our oldest tropical Colonies. I believe that in recent times considerable progress has been made in the administration of these Colonies, which has brought us to an important stage in their further development. It can be said that we have now come to the parting of the ways—a parting which will necessitate important decisions being made on the future administration and general political set-up which is to be enjoyed by the peoples in these Colonies.

It was Columbus who first discovered these islands, and he described them as being beautiful with an appearance of serenity. I want to paint a picture, in a very few words, that is completely different from that suggested by the description given by the great discoverer. Sociologically speaking, these islands can be likened to active volcanoes, and it is for that reason that I feel that the House would be profitably occupied for a short time considering the problems which have arisen from the developments in those Caribbean Colonies that are the particular responsibility of this country.

I should say first that, speaking generally, whether the responsible Power be America, France, Holland or even this country, the islands can be described in a very few words indeed. In so far as the mass of the people of the islands is concerned, I think whole areas are to be described as a large poor-house. Economically, we can mention cocoa, sugar, bananas, tourists—and, not least of all, military bases—as constituting the economic factors that largely govern the life of the islanders. We may notice that these commodities are seasonal, so far as the employment of the people is concerned.

Taking it all round, the economy of the islands might be described as a satellite economy. It is dependent primarily on trading relationships, particularly in food and other essential materials, and on the importing of these very important commodities. I do not think it is an exaggeration to say that, speaking generally, the economy of the Caribbean Islands constitutes a satellite economy. I think that it would be also true to say that, irrespective of the particular Power responsible for any particular Colony in those islands, the treasuries of the homelands are being completely and overwhelmingly drawn upon to sustain the life of the various island groups. Those islands, no matter whether they belong to the Americans, the Dutch, the French, or to ourselves, are becoming an increasing financial burden on the old countries responsible for them. I would suggest that this increasing financial dependency—with the one exception of Trinidad, where a suitable taxation of oil leases brings in extra revenue—on the mother countries is a source of considerable danger to the various peoples of the islands.

The British Colonies in the Caribbean have been our responsibility for some hundreds of years. It might be said that our present-day responsibility arises particularly from the traditional economic policy that has been followed in the various islands. Our present extra responsibility is definitely traceable to the traditional policy of the planter economy that has been so long in vogue in the various islands for which we are responsible. The greed that inspired the importation of negro slaves and the indenturing of Indian labourers has reduced those Colonies, generally speaking, to a bankrupt state. Absentee planters or owners of plantations have been to some extent replaced by absentee shareholders today, but it can be said, without the slightest hesitation, that the unchecked development of private enterprise over the years, has left us with some terrific problems to face in the British Colonies in the Caribbean Sea.

I suggest that this fatal economic tradition cannot be cured by the creation of a "kulak" type of smallholder or peasant. In view of the massive populations that have grown up in the islands, production today and tomorrow must continue to grow substantially and that cannot be achieved by a smallholder economy. I suggest respectfully to the Minister that he looks at that question very carefully. If he can make a statement on it, I should be very much obliged for some guidance in that direction. There is a feeling abroad that it is the Government's intention to endeavour to foster a smallholding economy to replace the traditional planter economy that has failed so badly over the years. I was very much heartened by the statement of the Colonial Secretary last week in the Colonial Debate, when he said that We are in these territories to guide them as quickly as circumstances permit to responsible self-government within the Commonwealth, in conditions that will ensure to the peoples fair standards of living and freedom from oppression from any quarter."—[OFFICIAL REPORT. 8th July, 1948; Vol. 453; c. 596.] Personally, I do not think he can repeat that too often. But I would like to ask him a question on that statement and on the statement made later in that Debate by the hon. Member for Hornsey (Mr. Gammans), who said that responsible self-government carries with it the right to leave the Commonwealth and that unless we find a better formula than that, the Empire will disappear bit by bit. I would very much like to hear some comment on that statement from the Under-Secretary of State. I think it is important that the Minister should dispel that fearful conception of the Empire and the benefits of membership, which may become widely felt on reading the contribution of the hon. Member for Hornsey. I think the Minister's words definitely forbid the idea of "slinging"—I think that is the right word to explain it—self-government to the Colonies without any consideration for the mass of the people. This "slinging" of self-government might be a way to avoid some of the terrific responsibilities that have grown up in and around these Colonies. I am sure however that really responsible people in the Colonies do not want independence until it is a feasible alternative. Though certain responsible statesmen, speaking about the West Indies, have said that we must grant the peoples of the West Indies autonomy even if it means that they must have a very bad government, I feel that such a policy as that would be wrong and would be an avoidance of our rightful responsibilities.

I want to refer next to the question of the phenomenal increase in population in that part of the world. I feel that the excessive population increase in the British Colonies and in the other islands in the Carribean can be explained. In order to avoid some of the dire results of this indiscriminate increase, we must explain the reason for it. I would venture an explanation, because if we do not do something to meet the question of the super-saturation of the Colonies from the population angle, then, no matter what else we do, poverty must be the lot of the peoples of the West Indies. I am fully aware of the fact that the population has doubled itself in 30 or 40 years, and that the illegitimacy rate is from 60 to go per cent. But these difficulties, I am sure, can be met and overcome by the definite arrangement, and deliberate creation, of a set of economic conditions which will make possible economic justice for the islanders generally. Apart from the development of economic opportunity for the masses, I think we should speed up in every possible way the development of educational facilities, which are so necessary if this question of super-saturation of population is to be overcome. It is only by this means that we can breed a sense of responsibility, and encourage a desire for a better standard of life, among the people. Most nations, at different times, have had to learn that lesson.

I now turn to another matter which I think ought to receive the attention of the Colonial Secretary. That is the question of the recent "Windrush" landings. The steamship "Windrush" brought to this country, I think, about 470 immigrants from the British Colonies in the Carribean. I think that Jamaica was the source of these people. It seemed to me that these immigrants were indiscriminately chosen. I think there were about 470 males altogether, all of them indiscriminately chosen, and requiring, when they arrived in this country, housing and suitable work. If we face this question of population carelessly, and permit such indiscriminate immigration into these Islands, we shall be creating a source of embarrassment for ourselves, and causing a considerable amount of suffering to the immigrants themselves.

Another angle of the matter is that if housing has to be found for these people, we shall be very hard put to provide such accommodation without seriously inconveniencing the mobility of any particular section of our own community which happens to be suffering from underemployment. I could quote examples of present temporary under-employment in the large cities—particularly Liverpool—and I am sure that housing is one of the chief factors in that set of circumstances. I am also quite sure that if immigration of such a character is permitted in future, it will definitely be a source of pain to the immigrants and a source of embarrassment to the people of this country. There is not only the question of housing and the finding of jobs for indiscriminately chosen folk; there is also the divergence in social standards. This particular difficulty has already been showing its face, or its head, in some of our local newspaper reports. This divergence in social standards does really create difficulties. I have been reading the Nottingham Press today, and there are two reports of the difficulties which have been created already by these indiscriminately chosen immigrants. I trust that in future the Colonial Secre- tary will keep his eye on that particular matter.

Another matter I should like to mention is the question of the progress in the constitutional development of the West Indies. It is safe to say, I think, that comparing the Colonies of the West Indies with the independent republics of Haiti and the Dominican Republic, and even the black republic of Liberia in West Africa, so far as economic liberty is concerned, the peoples living in these Colonies enjoy greater economic freedom and political liberty than anything established in those independent republics. That is a matter which should be borne very much in mind in our future treatment of these British Colonies. There has grown up in the Colonies and in these other countries I have mentioned a colour plutocracy which would treat the mass of the people with more harshness and injustice than anything we are experiencing in our spheres of jurisdiction.

This is my final point: we have visiting this country at the moment, Mr. Bustamente, or Mr. Clarke. He is here, we are told by the newspaper reporters, to try to speed up the granting of home rule to Jamaica. I suggest that the position in Jamaica makes it quite clear that, if the application made by Mr. Bustamente for home rule for Jamaica as quickly as possible were granted, we should be granting Mr. Bustamente full power in that country. That seems to me to be the position. He is seeking home rule so that he can wield full power in Jamaica. My years of experience in the trade union movement and in the Labour Party make me say without fear or favour that I cannot accept that the organisation of the trade unions and the Jamaican Labour Party is sufficiently democratic and free to enable them to be placed in the category of a Labour Party or Socialist movement as we in this country understand it.

Finally, I should like to have some information about medical officers in the Colonies, and also whether trade unionism is barred in the Bahamas. I feel that we shall have served a useful purpose in this Debate to-night if we can, in the short time left to the Under-Secretary, have some explanation of what the Colonial Secretary hopes he will be able to do to settle the widespread poverty and discontent in these Colonies. They are lands which, in the past, have been beautifully endowed by nature but evilly wrought by man's efforts.

11.29 p.m.

The Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Rees-Williams)

The hon. Member for East Nottingham (Mr. Harrison) has certainly given me very many points to answer in the seven minutes left at my disposal. First, I would like to take him up on one point; and that is his suggestion that we, at the Colonial Office, regard the West Indies as "a vast poor-house." We regard the West Indies as a very beautiful and romantic part of the world where there are very great opportunities if the necessary steps are taken, and the people co-operate with the authorities in the various courses of action which I hope to be able to suggest. It is well to remember, when thinking of the West Indies, that they consist of territories widely scattered and very different in size and nature. There are five groups of islands, themselves differing in extent, and two mainland territories, British Guiana and British Honduras. British Guiana is roughly the size of Great Britain and British Honduras about the size of Wales. We in the Colonial Office believe that the solution of the problem of the West Indies can only be found by planning the area as a whole, and not by trying to deal with it in little bits. My right hon. Friend has, with the consent of the various Governments, appointed Sir Hubert Rance as chairman of a committee which has the task of co-ordinating certain activities in that area. There is an economic adviser to Sir Hubert Rance who can look at the problems of the various Governments as a whole.

The problems are, first, the tremendous annual increase in population. It has been computed to be as much as 2 per cent. per annum. Formerly some of this population was drawn off to Panama, Cuba, and the United States, but now that migration has largely stopped the number of unemployed in the whole area is somewhere about 70,000, and, of course, there is a large amount of under-employment as well. In this area, generally speaking, there is a dependence on a few primary products and there is no planned economy. Our policy is to reduce this unemployment and under-employment and to diversify the economy, by develop- ing new and existing industries and improving methods of cultivation.

In agriculture much has been done to accomplish these ends. Not only in smallholders' but also in plantation crops we are making great progress; there is development going on in plantations, estates and smallholdings as well. The output of sugar from Jamaica over the last 15 years has increased from 50,000 tons to 200,000 tons a year. In the citrus fruit industry we have assisted with a plan to produce orange juice for sale. The production of cigars which recently was practically nothing amounted to 14 million last year. A considerable attempt has been made to rehabilitate the banana plantations which were badly hit by hurricane and blight. The authorities have tried to evolve a new type of banana which is proof against the Panama disease, I think with some success. Rum is coming into the market in this country once more, due partly to the fact that we cannot get whisky from Scotland. Rum was well-known to our ancestors, and it is becoming well-known to us now. In South Sea Island cotton and other products great strides have been made during the last few years.

The tourist trade is a big factor in the West Indies and the Colonial Development Corporation is considering this matter very seriously. There has been a survey of the industrial possibilities of the West Indies carried out by the Caribbean Commission, and we hope that new industries will be set up. We are also developing new resources in both British Guiana and British Honduras. In British Guiana we are hoping to develop forestry and the growing of bananas for export, and by opening up communications with the interior we hope to assist the expansion of cattle ranching. In British Honduras it is anticipated that we shall be able to develop the sugar industry, the cocoa industry and the manila hemp industry. It is important that there should exist the possibility that these industries can be established, in the relatively thinly populated mainland territories. Because the areas are comparatively large and the populations comparatively small—only 375,000 in British Guiana and 60,000 in British Honduras—there does seem to be a possibility that we shall in time be able to offer employment to people from the over-populated islands, and settle them in British Guiana and British Honduras.

At the back of all this development especially of the primary products—agricultural products—is the fact that the producers insist upon having marketing assurances. They want long-term contracts with the Ministry of Food or with some other buying organisation in this country or elsewhere. They do not want to put a lot of time and money into their products and then be left high and dry. Therefore, bulk buying, we think, is of the greatest possible benefit and is in fact essential, provided there are yearly price negotiations. Already suitable arrangements have been made concerning many commodities. Sugar and bananas, for example, are two of several commodities for which we have either already negotiated on a bulk-purchase basis or will do so in the future. Therefore, I would say once more that I do not agree with the remark of my hon. Friend about a vast poor-house. There is every cause for optimism in the West Indies, providing we have proper plans, resolution and imagination in their execution, and if we have also the goodwill of the people of the territory. By these means we hope to bring happiness and prosperity to the West Indies.

The Question having been proposed after Ten o'Clock and the Debate having continued for half an hour, Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Twenty-three Minutes to Twelve o'Clock.

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