HC Deb 22 March 1867 vol 186 cc415-25
MR. MONSELL

said, he rose to ask the Chief Secretary for Ireland, Whether it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to confer any special rewards on those members of the Irish Constabulary who have distinguished themselves by meritorious services during the late disturbances, and to call his attention to the defenceless state of many of the Irish police barracks. He wished to avoid all reference not absolutely necessary to the occurrences that had lately taken place in Ireland, for, although be felt it was the duty of Parliament, with the least possible delay, to inquire into the causes of disaffection in Ireland, he thought it perfectly obvious that the time for this would not come till those sterner duties had been discharged which, unfortunately, followed every unsuccessful insurrection. He wished to call attention to the courage and self-reliance exhibited, he believed, in every place in Ireland, where the police force came into collision with the insurgents during the late unhappy attempt at rebellion. It would be invidious to make any arbitrary selection of cases; but he might fairly refer to two instances, both of which occurred in the county he had the honour to represent. There was a small village called Ardagh, lying at the foot of the hills which divided the county of Kerry from the county of Limerick. The police barracks there had no means of defence in case of attack by an armed force. On the night of the 5th instant one constable and four sub-constables were attacked by a body of fifty men, a number of whom penetrated into the barracks. Within the barracks, in addition to the constabulary, were the wife and two infant children of the constable. The police knew well if they would only consent to give up their arms not a hair of their heads would be touched, and the woman and children would be uninjured. But those brave men drove out those who had effected an entrance at the point of the bayonet, and of the assailants twenty-two were now in custody. In the police barracks at Kilmalloch, at the other end of the county, fourteen constables and sub-constables were attacked by 200 men, directed, he believed, by an officer who had served in the American Federal army. The attack lasted for three or four hours. Three women and eleven children were in the house; an attempt was made to burn it in order to effect an entrance; but still the police gallantly resisted till sub-inspector Miller arrived with ten men, who took the insurgents in flank, when the police in the barracks rushed out and completely defeated the assailants, of whom a considerable number were in custody. Although in those instances the numbers employed were not large, the results arrived at by the gallant conduct of the police were of the highest possible importance. Had the police yielded for an instant the insurrection would have spread throughout the country, and had to be put down by military force. Pecuniary rewards given for ordinary good conduct were not sufficient recompense in such a case. There was a precedent and he hoped it would be followed, whereby Her Majesty might be graciously pleased to bestow on these men the highest reward of bravery, the Victoria Cross. The second part of his question related to the bad construction of the police barracks in Ireland and their generally defenceless condition. There were 1,600 barracks in Ireland, of which only about thirty belonged to the Government. The remainder were rented at a charge of between £28,000 and £29,000 a year. They were nearly all utterly defenceless. They had large windows, and no means of protection for those inside, or of resistance in case of attack. In consequence of this state of things it had been found absolutely necessary in many places to call the men from the outstations and to mass them at the larger stations—a proceeding which was most calculated to increase the panic which existed. It was absolutely necessary that Her Majesty's Government should take into consideration the defenceless state of the police barracks, which he had been informed could be put in a good state of defence for £150 each. Some difficulty might be raised with regard to the building of new barracks, in consequence of the Government having no power to take land for such a purpose; but that difficulty might easily be got over by the landowners consenting that such a power should be placed in the hands of Government. He left the matter with perfect confidence in the hands of the noble Lord the Secretary for Ireland (Lord Naas), who had shown so admirable a determination to put down party feeling, and to rely upon the ordinary operation of the law during these trying times. The noble Lord had by his conduct won the gratitude of the people of Ireland.

MR. CHICHESTER FORTESCUE

said, he cordially concurred in what had fallen from the right hon. Gentleman as to the gallant and patriotic conduct of the Irish constabulary during the late disturbances. His own experience of the demeanour of that body, and the high opinion entertained of the force by their able commander, Colonel Wood, had led him to believe that if, unfortunately, their services were required to quell disturbances such as had lately taken place, they would not be found wanting, and he was happy to find that that expectation had not been disappointed. He hoped such services would not be forgotten. It must be admitted on all hands that when small bodies of the Irish constabulary found themselves attacked in the darkness of the night by large masses of men, as was the case on the high road at Tallaght, they had acted most gallantly. It was impossible for the police to know at the time the amount of the force which they had to deal with, or how formidable might be the nature of the insurrection that was moving and gathering around them on that night. It was impossible to overrate the gallant conduct of the men under these circumstances. The Irish constabulary were drawn from the Irish people, to whom they were attached by every tie of fellowship and of religion, and therefore they deserved the greater admiration for having set their misguided fellow-countrymen so noble an example of loyalty and patriotism. Turning to the question of the improvement of the police barracks of Ireland, he scarcely thought that so large a sum as £150 per barrack would be required to put them into a sufficient state of defence. It would be more than the late enemy or any they were likely to encounter was worth. In most cases by merely opening a window or a loophole or two in the rear of the barracks they would be rendered perfectly capable of being vigorously defended. He wished to ask the noble Lord (Lord Naas) whether the Bill to improve the position and pay of the Irish constabulary, which had been prepared last year by the late Government, in accordance with a Report of a Commission appointed to inquire into this subject, and which had been carried through Parliament by the present Government, had worked successfully; and whether it had answered the expectations which had been formed of it by stimulating recruiting and keeping up the force to its proper numbers. He entirely concurred in the opinion which the right hon. Gentleman had expressed with regard to the firmness, the impartiality, and the moderation which the noble Lord had shown in putting down the late disturbances.

MR. HERBERT

said, he could not forbear calling attention to one case which in his opinion was deserving of special attention, as it was the first of the kind that occurred. He came from that part of the country where these unfortunate occurrences first broke out, and it would be in the recollection of the House that the policeman (Duggan) going to Killington with despatches was wet in the dark by about seventy or eighty armed men, who called upon him to surrender. He refused to do so, rode on, and would have got clear off with his despatches if he had not been shot in the back by a cowardly assassin. No compensation in money could reward that man, and if the Victoria Cross were not confined to the army he could conceive no more fitting reward for these men, as it would stimulate their bravery, though at the same time he did not think men could exert themselves more than these men had done. With regard to the question of the barracks, he thought a very little alteration in most cases would render them impregnable against attack by a mob. A door opened in a wall, a few loop-holes inserted, or even the raising of a window sill, would be all that was needed to put many of these places in a state of defence. But his main reason in rising was to express his hope that the Government would reward these men, not with money, but with something that they could wear on their breasts.

MR. BAGWELL

said, he believed that an attempt at insurrection had been rendered abortive by the determination of the police, and that their conduct rebuked the mistrust too generally entertained respecting them. Irishmen would perform their trust to the letter; and in 1848 an almost purely Irish regiment, which had been wrongfully mistrusted, did its duty in acting against relatives and friends. Irish gentlemen were wont to say if any question of religion or politics disturbed the country the constabulary could not be trusted. The force ought to be treated as a civil force, and not a military one. Therefore, he objected to the proposal that the country should be studded with little forts called police barracks. He would suggest that an order of merit should be established for the constabulary forces. While favouring the punishment of the principal Fenian leaders from America, he would suggest leniency towards their humble Irish followers, who repented that they had allowed themselves to be misled.

GENERAL DUNNE

said, he did not know what his hon. Friend meant by a civil force. If being armed to the teeth made a force military, then he thought that character applied to the Irish police. He quite agreed that the honour and fidelity of these men deserved a reward, and he thought it ought to be given in the shape of an order of merit and a pension. As to the repentance of the people he was rather sceptical on that matter, but he was certain that the country people took no part in the insurrection. The insurgents were composed of the people of the towns, not of the sons of farmers, and he believed the majority of them were tailors. Fenianism under another name existed in this country as well as in Ireland. As to the barracks, many of them were merely thatched and untenable; but if the Government would give a proper rent there would be no difficulty in obtaining proper barracks, which would be erected by the landowners. While lie gave all praise to the police for the defence they made, he could not forget that the feebleness of the attack showed that the hearts of the assailants were not in the work. In other circumstances they would have shown no lack of bravery. But they had been duped by American filibusters.

LORD NAAS

said, he was sure that there was no subject that could be brought under the consideration of the House that was more worthy of their consideration, or which would more fully command the sympathies of the House; and he was sure that not the House only, but the country—his own country in particular—were deeply indebted to his right hon. Friend for the eloquent tribute he had paid to the merits of the police force, to which not Ireland only, but the whole country was so much indebted. On the nights of the 5th and 6th of March these men were attacked in no fewer than thirteen different places by bodies of men of unknown numbers in the dead of the night, and without any time for preparation; for though, in some instances, scanty information had been given that an attack was meditated, yet that information had been so often received, and had so often proved false, that in most cases the men paid little attention to it. The attacks were all characterized by more or less of violence, but in every case they were repulsed by a force so inferior in numbers as to be almost incredible. Such success as the police obtained on that night, could only have been attained by the thorough reliance the men had on each other, and by the firm conviction they entertained, that they were doing their duty—the highest of all duties that could be imposed upon them, whether as men or as citizens—the duty of resisting the assaults of men who were in arms against their Sovereign. He begged the House to remember that this force consisted of about 11,000 men, scattered over the country at 1,600 stations, and that these stations were occupied by parties varying from five to twelve or thirteen men. The average number of men in each barrack was only seven. The House would see, therefore, what discipline, good conduct, and courage must exist in a force so detached and so removed; from the control ordinarily considered by military men necessary for the maintenance of discipline. Since this unfortunate Fenian movement had afflicted the country, no efforts had been spared by the emissaries of the conspiracy to seduce the constabulary from their allegiance. The same attempts which had been made, though seldom successfully, on the army, had also been made on the constabulary; but he was proud to say that in hardly a single instance did any stain rest on the character of a member of the force. Every attempt to seduce them from their allegiance had been attended with signal failure, and indeed he might say that in that respect the force was at the present moment absolutely and entirely without taint. We must remember to what temptations these men are exposed. They were constantly mixing with the people, and at the same time were necessarily much withdrawn from the care and supervision of their officers. They had, however, not only evinced a determination to resist every attempt to draw them from their allegiance, but, as witnesses, policemen and soldiers had invariably shown their willingness to discharge their duty loyally and honestly in whatever position they had been placed. It must also be borne in mind that this force was entirely recruited from the Irish people. Its ranks, it was true, were filled from a class somewhat superior to that which joined the regular army, as there was a certain qualification required, that no one was admitted into the force who could not read and write. The religion of the men was as nearly as possible in the same proportion as existed between the two creeds in the country. Nearly two-thirds of them were Roman Catholics, the remaining third being Protestants. Therefore, both in their distinctions of religion and in their character, they fairly represented the great mass of the people from whom they were drawn. He entirely agreed with his right hon. Friend as to the impossibility of overrating the services rendered by the constabulary during the recent outbreak, and particularly on the night of the 5th. Every attack on a police-barrack and every attempt at armed insurrection had resulted in utter failure. It should be remembered that at the time these attacks were repelled the constabulary were ignorant as to the actual state of feeling in the country. They had been repeatedly told that a general rising was intended, and in almost every instance, when summoned to surrender and give up their arms and barracks, they were informed that the whole country was in arms, that the Irish Republic had been established, and that resistance would be useless. In the middle of the night the constables had no means of testing the accuracy of such statements or of ascertaining the number of their assailants, but there was no flinching. Every man did his duty, and defended to his utmost his post and his arms. Taking all these things into account, it was difficult to over-estimate the credit due to them for their courage, fidelity, and constancy. If the conspirators had succeeded even temporarily in one of their attempts, and had established themselves in a barrack or any place of strength, so as to form the nucleus of a disaffected force, it was impossible to say what disastrous consequences might have ensued. Therefore, it seemed to him that the country owed a lasting debt of gratitude to these men, who had defeated the conspirators whenever they had been brought in contact with them, and who had proved to the country and to the world how utterly futile and contemptible was this attempt of treason. With regard to the particular question put by his right hon. Friend, he begged to say that last week, with the concurrence of the Lord Lieutenant, he had addressed a letter to the Treasury on the subject, and a copy of that letter would at some subsequent period be laid upon the table. Before sending that letter he had communicated with the chief officers of the force as to the mode in which some token of approbation might be bestowed on those members of the force who had distinguished themselves. He was happy to say that Her Majesty's Government had assented to one of the two proposals which had been made. The second proposal was still under consideration. It was proposed that a small sum of money should be voted by the House as a special reward for those who took part in the late proceedings. It was intended not to submit that Vote in the ordinary way, among the civil contingencies, but to invite the House to pass a special Vote of £2,000, to be placed at the disposal of the Inspector General of Constabulary for the purpose of conferring special rewards on these men. A distinct Vote, brought forward as a Supplementary Estimate, would be most gratifying to the members of the force, who would value the reward much more than if it had been conferred in any other manner. The vote which the House would be invited to come to would be tantamount to a vote of thanks, as hon. Members would have an opportunity on that occasion of expressing their sense of the conduct of these men. With regard to honorary rewards, he ought to mention that it was customary in the force itself to give honorary marks, which were much prized by the men, and the Inspector General had informed him that these would be given, with a slight increase of pay, to all the men who, either individually or collectively, had particularly distinguished themselves during the late events. The question of barracks was one which required grave consideration. It ought to be considered whether it was more desirable to place every barrack in Ireland in a state of defence, or to select individual barracks, which might be made centres for four or five others, so that the men might retire from the outposts to the centre barrack in case of emergency. For his own part, he was in favour of making all the barracks, to a certain extent, defensible, as concentration, except under extreme circumstances, is objectionable, and it was most important that the men should remain in their stations as long as they could do so without danger to their lives. There would not be any great difficulty in carrying this out. Several plans had already been submitted to the Government; and Parliament, he felt assured, would not be unwilling to place at the disposal of the Government such a sum as would be necessary to place most of the stations in a reasonable state of defence. With regard to thatched police barracks, he did not think there were any left in the country, and he knew that all new barracks were built upon a certain plan. If, however, there were such a thing as a thatched barrack in Ireland, it ought to be done away with at once. There was also a question as to the arms of the men, and he was afraid this would involve considerable expense. The present arm of the constabulary was not at all fitted for the duty they were called upon to perform. The rifle was too long and too heavy, while the bayonet attached to it was a weapon which could hardly ever be used by a policeman. It had been suggested by the Inspector General that a short breech-loading rifle should be supplied to the men, which would not impede the rapidity of their movements, and he thought that would be a more efficient weapon than the long rifle now used. [Mr. CHICHESTER FORTESCUE said, that this was recommended by the Commission.] It had been so recommended, and he believed a particular weapon had been selected by the Inspector General. He hoped soon to be able to submit the matter to the Treasury. Before he sat down he wished to say a word with reference to a body which had not yet been mentioned—namely, the Dublin metropolitan police force. They had not had the same opportunity as the country constabulary of distinguishing themselves; but, from his knowledge of the way in which they had discharged their arduous and responsible duties, he felt confident that they would have exhibited the same zeal and the same courage had they been placed in the same circumstances. Since the commencement of this Fenian movement they had been repeatedly engaged in service of considerable danger, and they had always evinced qualities of the highest order, and several had lost their lives. He could not sit down without expressing his acknowledgment to the right hon. Gentlemen opposite for the testimony they had borne to the conduct of the Government during the past fortnight. He and his Colleagues had been anxious from the beginning of these unfortunate proceedings to show that the ordinary existing powers of the law were sufficient to enable them to cope with any active form of insurrectionary movement, and he believed that when excitement had subsided, it would be acknowledged that they had done right in resisting any pressure that might have been placed upon them, and in refusing to apply to Parliament for increased powers. Those who had advised, or who had thought of recommending such a course, had, he believed, formed a totally erroneous impression of the real state of feeling in Ireland. They (the Government) had determined to place their reliance on the loyalty, good feeling, and attachment of the majority of the people, and the result had shown that the course which they had adopted was the right one, for from all classes in the country they had received assurances of assistance and support. He believed it would be found that British law administered with firmness, impartiality and justice, would be quite sufficient for the punishment of all men who had incurred its penalties and for the restoration of confidence to the country. The spectacle that would have been afforded to the world by an application to Parliament for measures beyond those of the ordinary law, would have been most unfortunate, and would have given other nations an entirely erroneous impression as to the real state of feeling in Ireland. The Government wished to rely on the loyalty and attachment to the Constitution which prevailed among all classes and creeds in Ireland, and the result had shown that they were not mistaken in reposing confidence in the great mass of the people. The assurances they had received from every part of Ireland, and from all classes of persons, was sufficient to show that this conspiracy had taken root in the land only among the lowest ranks, and that all men of respectable character, of patriotism, and intelligence, had entirely refused to have anything to do with it. With regard to the measure which, although originating with the late Government, he had been instrumental in passing through Parliament at the end of last Session, its working had been most satisfactory. Not only had recruiting for the police during the past two months been found easier than before, but the men enlisting belonged to a better class than were usually attracted to the service. The House, therefore, might feel assured that the increased expenditure which it had sanctioned last Session for the improvement of the lower branch of the police force had been found in working to be attended by good results.