§ SIR LAWRENCE PALKsaid, he rose to call the attention of the House to the distress existing in the manufacturing districts, and to move an Address to Her Majesty praying that a Royal Commission may be issued to consider the best mode of obtaining a permanent supply of Cotton. From the statements which had been made in the House it would be seen that the distress in the manufacturing districts, which had prevailed now for so many months, was approaching so serious a height that it might be almost called a national calamity, and sooner or later must be dealt with as such, it had been stated in that House that during the last six months 500,000 persons had received relief, one half from voluntary contributions and the other half from the rates. It had also been stated that the voluntary contributions amounted to £1,400,000; that there had been borrowed on security of the rates in different unions £63,675, and all this was independent of an immense amount of private and local charity. From Australia alone had been received a sum of £46,630. It had been asserted that in the Union of Rochdale one out of every five of the inhabitants was receiving relief, and they had the evidence of the hon. Member for Carlisle (Mr. Potter), the President of the Chamber of Commerce at Manchester, to the effect that in the Glossop Union the rates had risen from £1.000 a year to £1,000 per week; while the entire rental of the union was only £65,000. That was approaching a state of things described by an hon. Member of that House during the Irish famine, when the poor rates in some districts amounted to 20s. in the pound. It had been also stated by the lion. Member for Rochdale (Mr. Cobden) that the sums received in the cotton districts for the relief of the distress amounted to £320,000, besides private contributions from millowners, to which must be added 582 the loss of capital invested in mills and machinery, and the loss of wages to operatives, amounting, after making certain deductions, to no less a sum than £6,000,000. Did any hon. Member believe that Lancashire could bear, for one or two years longer, such a vast drain on its resources? It was obvious that some other remedy for the distress must be sought for than that which had been hitherto applied, for as the poor rate was raised the distress was added to; and thus in the Oldham Union 4,000 persons had been changed from ratepayers to rate-receivers. The Times newspaper, from which they took inspiration, had directed attention to this question, and had intimated that something else must be done besides feeding hungry men from borrowed money. He did not think that they could possibly expect another sum of £46,000 from Australia, or that this country would subscribe in another year such large sums as it had done in the present. He did not mean to say that sympathy for the operatives would be less, or that the admiration for their patience and forbearance in the sad struggle would be diminished; but facts were facts, and they could not always expect to see the labourers in Devonshire and Cornwall, who only received 10s. a week, coming own from their distant villages to the parish church to contribute to the maintenance of the Lancashire operatives. Nor, on the other hand, if they turned to the prospect of the cotton supply, could they find any grounds for hope. In 1861 they obtained from America 1,841,600 bales of cotton; in 1862 they obtained 717,666 bales; but it was estimated that during the present year they would not obtain more than 7,000. In 1861 they obtained from all sources 3,329.700 bales; in 1862 they obtained 21,234,316, and the estimated supply in this year was 2,343,900, being very little more than was imported at a time when they were not suffering from a deficient supply of cotton. They could not look with any sort of hope to a termination of the struggle in America. Battles were fought, and blood was shed, but neither side had gained a victory which gave any hope of an approaching termination of the contest. From statements in the public press it appeared in the South the same spirit seemed to actuate both the white man and the slave; and he believed, that if the black population were 583 to become combatants, they would range themselves on the side of their masters, rather than with that other portion of society who made war on women, issued proclamations at which the world might blush, and only treated the black slave with contumely and oppression. There being no hope of the termination of the war, of increased production of cotton, or of the continuance of the large contributions hitherto raised for the relief of the distress in Lancashire, what then should be done? The present winter, it should be remembered, had been peculiarly favourable to the poor, and the rigours of climate had not been added to the difficulty of obtaining food and clothing; consequently it would be great good luck if the distress in Lancashire should not be worse in the ensuing year than in the present. What, then, could be done to ameliorate the state of things in Lancashire? Would it be right to attempt mediation? There was a time when that might have been done. He believed, that if the Powers friendly to America had at the commencement of the struggle impressed on the belligerents the folly and ruin of an intestine conflict, the Americans might have listened to the words of common sense and friendship; but, now that blood had been drawn, that one portion of the States was fighting for independence and the other for conquest and extermination, and the horrors of war had been felt on both sides, he doubted whether the Americans would listen to any mediation however friendly or however well urged. Would, then, this country be prepared to recognise the South as an independent government, and to free its coast from a blockade which brought ruin on our operatives, and which he believed was of a questionable sort, as he understood it had always been laid down by high authority that an efficient blockade could only be maintained by vessels able to prevent all ingress and egress? Now, within a very few days, accounts had been received from Charleston to the effect that for a certain number of hours at least the Confederate ships had driven the blockading force away and freed the harbour. It was quite true that after a short interval the blockading force returned to its original position, where it still remained; but the fact that it had been compelled for a time to withdraw proved how very weak the blockade was. The length of the period during which the blockade had continued, and its ineffective character, com- 584 bined with its temporary cessation, certainly afforded good grounds for inquiring whether the moment was not rapidly approaching when it ought to be treated as nought. From that source, however, there was no immediate prospect of a supply of cotton. The cotton manufacturers had been repeatedly blamed for not having used greater exertions to procure a supply of raw material. But, first of all, it was necessary to have full and accurate information as to the production of cotton in different parts of the world; and that information ought to be collected by means of a Royal Commission. The Glasgow Chamber of Commerce last autumn urged the Government to appoint a Commission; and subsequently, in presenting an address to Mr. Laing, they declared that they remained of opinion that the course suggested by them was reasonable and expedient, and that it was the ditty, no less than the interest of the Government, to have issued a Commission of Inquiry. The noble Lord, in replying to the memorial, through his Secretary, Mr. Ashley, in September, 1862, expressed his regret that he could not comply with the request to appoint a Commission, as he held that the questions involved must be considered and determined by those interested; that it was undesirable the Government should interfere with the arrangements of merchants and manufacturers in the conduct of their mercantile transactions, and there was no more reason why the Government should interfere with arrangements in regard to cotton than that they should interfere with those affecting corn, timber, or any other article of commerce. As far as the principle of that answer went, it was sound and statesmanlike, but there were exceptions to every rule. The noble Lord would, no doubt, recollect that some years ago, when the agricultural interest was thrown into a state of great distress by certain alterations in the policy of the country, large loans were offered by way of relief to landed proprietors for the improvement of their estates. That measure had, he believed, been attended not only with immediate, but permanent benefit both to the agricultural interest and the country at large. He was disposed to hold that a loan might now be made, with equal justice and success, for the purpose of promoting the cultivation of cotton in some colony where there was a reasonable prospect that it could be produced of good quality and at a 585 cheap rate. The information which was required in order to determine which colony was best adapted for that purpose, could be obtained more effectually by a Royal Commission than by a Committee of the House. Many men of great practical experience would be excluded from the latter who would be eligible for the former. Hence the Report of a Commission would carry with it greater weight The first thing to do was to endeavour to obtain the best and the most reliable information as to where cotton could be grown; and if a loan should be required for the purpose of obtaining a supply of cotton, it would be wise and prudent, and common justice, that a loan should be granted by the Legislature. The importance of an accurate knowledge of the state of affairs in their distant possessions was proved by the mischance which had ocurred at Sedashegur. The Manchester Cotton Company had despatched a vessel to that place, relying on the statement of the right hon. Baronet the Secretary for India, that a pier and roads would be constructed by the time the vessel arrived. On the contrary, however, when the ship reached its destination, there was neither pier nor road to be seen. The company had therefore been misled by the incorrect information which the right hon. Baronet had given, of course unknowingly. The right hon. Gentleman had, however, recently stated at Halifax that it was owing to the prevalence of fever that the works were delayed. With regard to a supply of cotton from the colonies, Sir George Bowen, the Governor of Queensland, had repeated in one of his despatches that that part of Australia was admirably adapted both in soil and climate for the cultivation of the most valuable description of Sea Island cotton, and that the practicability of obtaining good crops there had been proved by several successful experiments. Mr. Bazley had expressed the highest opinion of a sample from Queensland, valuing it at 1s. 3d. a pound. He believed, that if it could once be proved that cotton could be grown either in Queensland, or in any other British colony, at a profit, little or no support would be required from the Government, for the public would be only too anxious to invest in any undertaking which promised a profitable return. There was another place where, as he was informed, cotton could be grown with great facility. He alluded to Jamaica. Indeed, he entertained little doubt that in many of the 586 dependencies of Her Majesty, cotton could be successfully cultivated by free labourers. Some colonial cotton had already been tested, and he held in his hand a bit of cotton cloth manufactured from wool which gained the first prize at the International Exhibition, and which was approved by the authorities at Manchester. He would not delay the House by enlarging upon the credit and honour which would accrue to England if the foul blot could be removed from her of encouraging the slave trade by confining her purchases of cotton to South America. That question, however, was perhaps rather one for the philanthropists than for that House. For himself, he had no interest in the matter, except an earnest desire to mitigate the distress in Lancashire; and if he could persuade the House to take some steps in the direction he had indicated, thereby encouraging the production of free-grown cotton, he believed great benefits would result to the whole country. Whether the House would grant a Royal Commission, or whether it would prefer to submit the question to a Select Committee, he knew not; but his only object was that an inquiry should be speedily instituted, and that no effort should be spared to obtain that supply of cotton upon which depended the comfort and happiness—he might almost say the existence — of our Lancashire operatives. The hon. Baronet concluded by moving for the Address.
§
Amendment proposed,
To leave out from the word "That" to the end of the Question, in order to add the words "an humble Address be presented to Her Majesty, praying that a Royal Commission may be issued, to consider the best mode of obtaining a permanent supply of Cotton,
—instead thereof.
§ Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."
§ MR. MILNER GIBSONSir, the hon. Member for South Devon (Sir Lawrence Palk) has asked the House to present an Address to the Crown to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into the best mode of obtaining a permanent supply of cotton wool. Before, Sir, I offer an opinion as to the course which it is desirable to take on this Motion, I wish to remark upon some of the observations that fell from the hon. Baronet at the commencement of his speech. I have no doubt that the hon. 587 Baronet has given us a correct narrative of the distressed condition of those parts of the country to which he has directed his inquiries. I can only say for myself, and I believe I may also speak for every Member of this House, that we join with him most entirely in the deep sympathy he has expressed for the distress which he has described to us. In the Speech from the Throne that feeling was expressed, and was responded to by the House. In fact, Sir, it would be impossible for any one in this House—for the Government, or for any portion of the intelligent population of this country, to feel otherwise than deep interest in the condition of so important an industry as the cotton industry, that has contributed so greatly to the wealth and prosperity of this country, that employs so large a number of our population, that causes so great an amount of capital to be distributed amongst the operative classes, and that gives us so large a portion of our export trade. It furnishes forty per cent of our export trade in ordinary times, and even in the present time it represents thirty-three per cent of the whole export trade to foreign countries. It is unnecessary to say more than that we entirely concur with the hon. Baronet in those feelings he expresses of deep interest in the future fortunes of the cotton industry. But, Sir, the remedy which the hon. Baronet proposes is one I think that is very questionable. I doubt whether we ever had a Royal Commission analogous to that proposed by the hon. Gentleman. The meaning of a Commission is, that there is a practical evil for which a remedy is asked, and that there are means at the command probably of the Government or of Parliament to obviate that evil. Now, I cannot understand that any Report which a Royal Commission could make would justify the Government in undertaking, or would in fact give Parliament reason to undertake, by direct encouragement, the cultivation of cotton, either by advancing money or commencing operations as cotton agriculturists or cotton traders. I do not know what acts of the Executive or what laws of Parliament would be likely to follow, I consistently with free trade policy, which Parliament has adopted, if this Commission were granted. The facts that this Commission would lay before the House are already fully in the possession of the House; and, I believe, have been extensively circulated throughout the country. 588 Some time since the Cotton Supply Association, to which the hon. Baronet referred at the outset of his speech, was formed, and at the outset of its career put itself into communication with the Foreign Office. The Foreign Office complied with their request that the Foreign Secretary would instruct the British Consuls in various parts of the world to reply to any queries relating to the probability of growing cotton in different countries which that association should think necessary to be sent out. The Foreign Office accordingly sent circulars to Brazil, Egypt, Turkey, and other places, at the instance of the Cotton Supply Association, and I believe the Earl of Malmesbury went the length of recommending that the Treasury should give some pecuniary aid, which, I think I am correctly informed, was afforded by the Treasury for the purpose of defraying the expenses incurred by the Cotton Supply Association in growing cotton experimentally in different countries. From the outset, when the Earl of Clarendon was Foreign Secretary, until Earl Russell held the seals of office, every endeavour has been made to co-operate with the Cotton Supply Association, for the purpose of procuring from foreign countries any information that possibly could be acquired to afford facilities for getting a supply of cotton. I contend that a Commission could do nothing that has not already been done. There is no mystery, no contested point, into which a Commission could with any hope of advantage institute an inquiry. In fact, the hon. Baronet has not clearly explained whether the Royal Commission which he would have appointed is to take evidence here, or is itself to travel to all those various countries—to Africa, to Brazil, to India, and even to the Fejee Islands—and locally investigate the capabilities of these different countries for the growth of cotton. Such an inquiry as that would have a very lengthened duration, and would, I think, be a cause of great regret, in consequence of the delay that would arise, even to the hon. Baronet himself. Now, I know it may be said that it can do no harm to inquire—it can never do any harm to inquire—and that in the present condition of the manufacturing districts it would be ungracious not to accede to a proposal for mere inquiry, and that therefore the Government ought to agree to the appointment of the Royal Commission, because, if it can do no good, it can 589 do no harm. Now, Sir, it seems to me that it would be unbecoming in the Government to agree to the appointment of a Royal Commission on such an understanding. There ought to be some definite benefit and practical good to be obtained, and one which there appears every probability of arriving at before a Commission is appointed. But is it really true, I will ask, that the appointment of a Commission would do no harm? I, for one, am not of that opinion. On the contrary. Sir, I am afraid that if a Commission were appointed, such a step might lead to the impression out of doors that the Government or Parliament was about to take upon itself, either by means of a bounty or otherwise, the promotion of the cultivation of cotton. If such a feeling were spread through the country, the effect would be that the enterprise which is now beginning to manifest itself would be paralysed, and that undertakings now about to commence would be suspended, until parties had had an opportunity of seeing what was to be the course of action taken by Government and the Parliament. Therefore, I think that itself is a reason why the Government should not listen to the argument that a Commission of Inquiry would be a harmless proceeding if it could do no good. The hon. Baronet has mentioned several places from which cotton might be procured, but from whence he seemed to infer that it was necessary that further information should be obtained. Amongst these he mentioned Queensland and Jamaica. Now, it happens that two companies which have been recently formed with considerable capital, and supported entirely by private enterprise, are companies for the purpose of growing cotton in Queensland and Jamaica, these being two of the places which he mentioned to which a Commission should be sent for the purpose of obtaining information. The formation of these various companies for the promotion of the cultivation of cotton is a proof that the attention of capitalists is being directed to this channel for the employment of capital. These companies would, no doubt, be seriously injured if it were understood that as a result of the investigation of a Commission, Parliament was to interfere and come into competition with private and unaided enterprises. Sir, there is abundance of capital and there is no lack of enterprise in England to undertake what is neces- 590 sary to supply the wants of the country. Capital will find its way wherever there is a field for profitable enterprise, and I certainly shall maintain that it is not the province of Government or of Parliament to undertake the supply of any article. I am quite sure that if, during the time of the agitation of the Corn Law question in this country, any hon. Member had proposed that a Royal Commission should be appointed to inquire into the best means for obtaining a permanent supply of food, those Gentlemen who were advocating free trade as the best course for procuring that permanent supply would have offered the most determined opposition to any such proposal. I hope, therefore, that for the reasons I have given the hon. Baronet will not press this Motion to a division, and I think he may be contented with having raised a very useful discussion. I think the House will be of the opinion that no practical benefit could be derived from the appointment of a Royal Commission such as has been proposed. Upon the question of India, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State is prepared to say whatever is necessary in defence of the particular proceeding that refers to the road leading from Sedashegur. I am not aware of the particulars of that affair, hut, generally speaking, with regard to India and its capacity to produce cotton, there appears to be no lack of information. We have three valuable works relating to the three Presidencies, called the Cotton Handbooks, giving a most elaborate description, and containing the most particular information as to the various parts of the three Presidencies, the actual condition of the cultivation of the soil, and the possibility of extending the growth of cotton throughout these three Presidencies. There can be no want of information in regard to our power of growing cotton in India. It may be possible, indeed, that obstacles may be removed by the Government, and that changes may be effected which would prevent the growth of cotton being impeded. In fact, the Committee which was appointed some years ago, and of which my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham (Mr. Bright) was Chairman, reported that with the encouragement that was then being given by Government by the removal of all obstacles to successful cotton growing in India, there was every probability that eventually a considerable supply of cotton suited for the English market would 591 find its way to England from India. Sir, I am afraid that there is something more necessary than the mere supply of cotton, for I believe it is not only a question of quantity, but a question of price. It is my opinion, that unless the price of cotton is fixed at such a rate as to enable the manufacturer to sell the manufactured articles themselves at a rate so as to reach the poorer classes in the various countries to which they are sent, it is not likely that we shall continue to have that extensive trade in cotton manufactures that has hitherto existed. You may get abundance of any article if you choose to go to the price requisite for its production, but what is necessary for the support of this great industry is an abundant supply of cotton at a cheap rate. It is the cheapness of the raw material that has caused our cotton manufacture to acquire the great dimensions that it has possessed, and without which I fear it will never become so extensive again. Seeing that the great cotton manufacturing system has grown up directly by individual enterprise, by the unaided effort of enterprising men—seeing that it owes nothing to legislative protection—I very much doubt whether it is likely to be revived from its present unfortunate position by any legislative protection. It will be revived, I have not the slightest apprehension, by those same means that caused it to grow up to the great magnitude to which it has attained. By leaving to individual effort and the operation of the law of supply and demand the provision of the markets of this country with cotton, as with all other articles, we shall be pursuing the course which will be most advantageous for the interests of the country, and especially for the interests of that industry whose cause the hon. Baronet has undertaken to plead.
§ Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.