HC Deb 19 July 1849 vol 107 cc602-16
MR. MOORE

rose to call the attention of the House, and he trusted also that of the Government, to an occurrence of a very extraordinary nature which had recently taken place in the north of Ireland—an occurrence which he thought ought to engage serious attention, not only on account of the violence committed and the blood shed, but on account of other circumstances which had stained the transaction, and which could only he considered as endangering the peace, the loyalty, and the affection of the people in that country. It would be unnecessary to remind the House of the fact, that the very wise and proper enactment passed for the discontinuance of those abominable nuisances and fanatical follies called the processions of the 12th July in the north of Ireland, expired in the year 1845; or that the Government, regardless of the entreaties of wiser and more considerate gentlemen in Ireland, had neglected to renew the Act. He did not blame the Government for the omission, as he believed they had abstained from bringing forward such a measure in the spirit of generous reliance on the good feelings, discretion, and right principles of the gentlemen of the north of Ireland, and in the belief that it would be almost an insult to the pride, principles, and honour of those gentlemen, to suppose it possible that, in the midst of mutual afflictions, they would seize the moment to stir up the embers of forgotten feuds, and inflame a prostrate but still chivalrous people, by the display of the banners of religious ascendancy. But the Government little knew the hearts, the souls, the brains of the Orangemen of the north of Ireland, who were about to seize that opportunity for obtaining a paltry and disreputable triumph over their opponents. That particular 12th of July, following three conse- cutive years of distress and misfortune, was the fitting period chosen by these parties for sacrificing to that Moloch of religious ascendancy which had bowed down the energies of the people of Ireland for three centuries, and it was resolved that the 12th of July should be celebrated with signs of more of ordinary splendour, or, in other words, with more of ordinary insult than usual, to the feelings of the majority of the inhabitants. It was easy to conceive the exasperation which such a proceeding would at such a time cause in the minds of an excitable people. On the one hand, the population of Ulster felt the triumph of conscious security; on the other was perceivable the patience of despair. Had the bigoted blockheads been satisfied with the scenes of a former triumph, it was possible that the galas of this year might have passed off with less of opposition and strife than usual; but their folly and rashness went one step farther, and those deplorable and bloody scenes ensued which he was now about to bring under the notice of the House. In the neighbourhood of Castlewellan was a place, or defile, called Dolly's Brae. This spot, as the seat of the fanatical feuds of the neighbourhood, had been invested with a conventional importance, and it was perfectly understood by both sides that an Orange procession to pass over that brae amounted to a defiance and challenge to the opposite faction. For many years the defile had not been passed. Last year, he understood, the question had been mooted in the Orange lodges in the neighbourhood, whether the attempt should be again made or not. It was apprehended, however, by the people on the other side, that such attempt would be made; and when the occasion came round, large bodies of armed peasantry collected, to prevent the supposed object being carried into effect. The attempt of last year was in consequence of such preparations laid aside; but this year it was advised, not by infatuated persons on either side, but by gentlemen, magistrates of the county, and men of station and education in the county, that this pass should be attempted, and that large masses of armed peasantry should be brought into collision with the opposite party. But they took a further step. They appeared to have had sufficient influence with the Government to obtain from them large bodies of military and police to and them in this extraordinary project. They procured a company of the 9th Foot, a troop of the 13th Light Dragoons, a troop of the Enniskillen Dragoons, and a strong body of constabulary and police, to enable them to take a devious and bad road for the purpose of coming in conflict with the peasantry in the neighbourhood of the brae. What misrepresentations had been made to the Government he could not say; but he felt sure that, had they been aware of the object of these foolish men, and the factious quarrels they were abetting, they would have proceeded in a totally different manner. Well, Major Williamson, accompanied by Captain Skinner, and other magistrates, arrived on the spot. On reaching Dolly's Brae they found the place unoccupied. They took possession of it, and so disposed their forces as to establish a defence of the place. Soon after they had made these dispositions they saw a large number of men armed with muskets, scythes, and other weapons, and at first numbering between 300 and 400, but afterwards increasing in numbers. The latter took up their position on the right of the entrance. So that here were assembled numbers of people in arms, prepared to wage a battle worthy of only the most barbarous ages—the troops not interfering, but remaining inactive to see the battle fought out. Some time after (said Major Wilkinson) two Roman Catholic priests made their appearance, who said that their influence was insufficient to prevent the impending collision. They prevailed, however, upon the peasantry to agree not to attack, and the procession passed without molestation. One would have supposed that this would have presented an opportunity for the intercession and mediation of the authorities, and that the magistrates would have prevented the disgrace of another hostile collision; and yet the commanding officer declared, that although the magistrates were aware that the Orangemen were returning, and that they saw the people throwing up intrenchments, and practising shot firing, in order that they might be prepared to receive them; he was not aware of a single effort being made by himself, by the constabulary, or by the magistrates, in the slightest way to prevent the awful collision which took place. On their return, the procession went to Tullymore Park, the seat of the Earl of Roden. Now, he should be sorry to speak disrespectfully of that nobleman. He was not ignorant of his private character and virtues; but he should be guilty of a breach of common sense and good feeling if he attempted to speak of his conduct on this occasion. Weak men like Lord Roden were more dangerous than vicious; their private virtues were confounded with their public ones; but beneath the shade of those virtues bad men and bad bigots succeeded in working out their unholy ends. According to the account of the proceeding in the Evening Mail, it would appear that his Lordship, in the full insignia of his office, rode out on horseback to meet between five and six thousand Orangemen. Whether it was the insignia with which he had been invested by his Sovereign, or the jack-pudding insignia of his Orange friends, he did not know; but in this manner Lord Roden, accompanied by the grand master and various district officers, headed the party to a large field, where a platform was erected. Here the party partook abundantly of refreshment, which, after a long and thirsty march, was not unacceptable. The refreshment over, at the sound of a trumpet the party assembled round the platform, and his Lordship addressed them. He (Mr. Moore) was bound to admit that there was nothing in that address, as reported in the newspapers, which might not be expected from his Lordship's known virtues. It breathed nothing but goodwill and kindness. It prohibited anything like a collision, recommended as a guide for their conduct that sacred volume which certainly did not sanction such a proceeding as that at Dolly's Brae. But first to give them entertainment, and then, amidst the sounds of drums and trumpets, to attempt to restrain their angry passions by such twaddle as that addressed to them, was absurd. His Lordship excused himself from attending the inquest on the victims of this proceeding on the score of illness; but he (Mr. Moore) sincerely trusted that for the future his Lordship would refuse to lend the sanction of his name to men who had brought shame on his grey hairs. Well, the party left the park and approached the fatal pass. The officer in command stated that he never doubted that a collision would take place when the two armed bodies met. A collision, which nothing but a special interposition of Providence could have averted under the circumstances, did actually take place. The officer in command said the first shot was fired, in his opinion, by the Orangemen; but it mattered little who it was that fired first, for the men who were really guilty of all the bloodshed that en- sued were those who brought the parties into collision, and did not interfere to pre-vent it, and not the unfortunate fanatic who fired the first shot. But whoever it was who fired first, the firing was immediately returned by the other side, and soon became general. As for Her Majesty's forces, they appeared to have considered it "a very pretty quarrel as it stood;" and they did the only thing they could have done in such a case, namely, nothing at all. It was difficult to understand what two or three companies of the military could do where there were three or four thousand men in conflict armed with muskets. They had no choice but to fire indiscriminately upon both parties or upon neither; and they very wisely adopted the latter course. The police, however, acted differently, for the instant the word was given, like greyhounds from the slip, they became most furious partisans; and as for their conduct, it had been highly eulogised by the Orange journals, and they had been called heroes and destroyers of the rebels by the local prints. The commanding officer said they pursued the Ribbonmen up-hill; and the united forces of the police and the Orangemen, in this disgraceful pursuit, succeeded in beating out the brains of several, and in killing others by wounding them in the chest with the butt end of their muskets. They also captured some thirty or forty of the opposite party. And here he must notice one most extraordinary feature. The Orangemen and police having captured these men under the direction of the magistrates who had led them on, the prisoners were brought before these very magistrates, who received the testimony of policemen and other witnesses, and absolutely committed the prisoners to gaol, and scarcely a man who heard the evidence but thought that the witnesses and the accused ought to be sent to gaol side by side. But the most horrible feature of the transaction had yet to be told, if, indeed, any one feature could be more disgraceful than another where all was disgraceful to humanity and to civilisation, to say nothing of Christianity. The Orangemen, finding no more to pursue, fired the village. The Evening Mail, an Orange paper, described what the commanding officer said, who appeared to have been standing still, enjoying what was going on. He said that on his advance he saw several houses on fire. He was engaged looking after the Ribbon party, and it struck him that the houses were fired by some stragglers from the Orange party who had broken off from the main body. The account stated that one man was killed by a bayonet wound in the groin, another by a shot in the chest; twelve were taken to the dispensary, four being mortally wounded, and one of them a woman. All the persons wounded were on the Catholic side. A case more deplorable in all its details had seldom happened in that country. When they looked at the whole proceeding from the beginning to the end, on whatever feature of the dreadful catastrophe they cast their eyes, it was hard to say which of the actors engaged were most to blame, and which of the acts were the most disgraceful. To investigate the matter thoroughly, it would be necessary to inquire who were the parties who originated the intention of passing through Dolly's Brae; for that was not the proper route; and the commanding officer himself said that the Orangemen must surely have been very fond of bad roads, when they preferred them to a good and straight one that would have equally answered their purpose. The inquiry must go into these facts—into what led to the procession to Dolly's Brae, and into what were the representations under which the Government sent a large number of troops to support the party who committed the aggression. It must go into the conduct of the Orange lodges in the neighbourhood of the transaction; and, above all, it must take into consideration the conduct of the local gentry and the local magistrates, what was their knowledge of the state of things existing in the neighbourhood before the procession, and of the collision that was about to take place; and what were the measures, if any, which they took to prevent it. The conduct of the military and police, also, must be taken into consideration; and if it should be found in the end that these disastrous occurrences led to the suppression of the abominable, wicked, and outrageous system that had so long disgraced and afflicted Ireland, the blood that had been shed on the 12th of July would prove not to have been shed in vain.

Motion made, and Question proposed— That there he laid before this House, a Copy of any information which may have been received by the Government relating to the Outrages lately committed in the neighbourhood of Castlewellan.

MR. REYNOLDS

seconded the Motion.

SIR W. SOMERVILLE

hoped that if he did not attempt to answer in detail the speech of his hon. Friend the Member for Mayo, his forbearance would not be attributed to any indifference to the facts of the case; for, equally with his hon. Friend, he felt the deepest regret at the melancholy occurrence which he had thought it his duty to bring under the consideration of the House. He thought, at the same time, that his hon. Friend, in some of his remarks, had borne rather hard upon the proceedings of the Government. His hon. Friend had asked why it was that troops were assembled upon the occasion alluded to for the purpose of protecting one party rather than another?

MR. MOORE

said, that was a mistake. What he said was, that he was quite sure misrepresentations must have been used to induce Government to send troops on that occasion.

SIR W. SOMERVILLE

said, that Dolly's Brae was not far distant from a place called "Crossgar," where a certain occurrence took place not long ago to which he would not more particularly allude; and the Government, in sending troops to Dolly's Brae, were actuated by a desire to prevent, if possible, a repetition of that occurrence. Now, the occurrence at Dolly's Brae was of a very recent date: they hardly knew at the present moment the real state of the case. As he had already said, he would forbear on the present occasion to go into details respecting it; but this he would say, that the present most melancholy and unfortunate occurrence presented to the consideration of the House, the country, and the world, a state of society that was most lamentable to think of. The hon. Gentleman had asked why the Government had not proposed the renewal of the Act to prevent such processions. He (Sir W. Somerville) confessed that he had hoped that the time Lad arrived when the common sense of all parties would have rendered such a renewal unnecessary, seeing that such processions at no time did any good, while, as on the present occasion, they often did great mischief. He had hoped that the state of public feeling in general, and the increase, if he might so say, of a more kindly disposition of one class toward another, would have permitted the Government to postpone, at all events, the consideration of the proposal to introduce an Act to prevent such processions. He deeply regretted that in this case the Government and the country had been disappointed. Having said thus much, he would only add, that the Government were ready to institute the most rigid inquiry into every particular of the unfortunate occurrence.

CAPTAIN JONES

wished also to express the deep regret he felt at this unfortunate occurrence, which equalled that of the hon. Member for Mayo, and he would show that he felt it by not imitating the hon. Gentleman, who had used very harsh and opprobrious terms, speaking of the jack-pudding; insignia of the Orangemen, and making use of the terms bigots and fools. He would take no notice of these words, and regretted they had been used. He would say for himself that he was one of those who had represented to the Government the necessity of preventing those processions, and he was anxious to see not only Orange processions, but every other sort, prohibited. The hon. Gentleman seemed to imagine that Lord Roden had invited these men to his park at Tullymore. He had seen, under Lord Roden's hand, that such was not the fact. He complained of the hon. Gentleman using the term bigot with regard to Lord Roden.

MR. MOORE

explained. What he had said was, that under the shadow of Lord Roden's name, bigots and bad men were pursuing their own objects.

MR. BRIGHT

said, that if the hon. Member for Mayo had let fall some warm expressions, he might be readily excused for having done so. He was very glad the hon. Member had brought the matter before the House. Had he not done so, he (Mr. Bright) should have felt it his duty to have asked the Government to what extent an inquiry had been instituted into the origin of this most shocking occurrence. The present was the most atrocious proceeding that had taken place in Ireland for many years past. There was not a single feature in the whole transaction that did not cause equal regret and blame. The hon. and gallant Member for the county of Londonderry knew more of Lord Roden than he could pretend to do; but certainly, according to the evidence in the papers, that nobleman was very greatly to blame. He knew not how thousands of persons could enter a field adjoining Lord Roden's park and find refreshments prepared for them, without having been invited to do so, and indeed expected there by the owner. The Government had been blamed for not having brought in an Act for prohibiting processions in Ireland. Yet the Government was right. They hoped that the tone which Ireland had assumed rendered such a measure no longer necessary. But he should like to know whether the law in Ireland sanctioned the going about in processions of thousands of persons, all of whom, save the women and the drummers, were armed to the teeth. Such processions would be illegal in England. It was only last year that the Government very properly prevented a procession from passing through the city, because by so doing disturbances were likely to be caused. He must ask the Government to explain why the military and police accompanied the Orange procession. [An Hon. MEMBER: No, no!] The evidence he had read said they did, from morning until evening. It was clear the provocation was given by the Orange party. [An Hon. MEMBER: No, no!] That such was the case the evidence proved. The first shot was fired by an Orangeman. And it was also stated, that a further fray had begun. The police regarded the Catholics alone as their enemies, and the Orange party as their friends. In that sentiment was conveyed the whole history of Ireland. He did not mean to charge the Secretary for Ireland with any participation in or sanction of this most outrageous proceeding; but he must say, that no ordinary inquiry would satisfy the public mind, and it must be an inquiry which went into the origin of the processions, and the spirit in which the magistracy had assisted in them. The occurrence would add immensely to the bitterness of feeling that existed in Ireland, which had for centuries raged there, and it would prevent the Roman Catholics and the Protestants from meeting cordially for a long period. He must say that, in his opinion, Lord Roden and others of his class were the most guilty of all the parties concerned, and if the facts proved to be as they were stated, he ought to be struck off the commission of the peace as a mark of the indignation of the Government.

SIR DENHAM NORREYS

hoped the Government would endeavour to make the law obeyed in Ireland, because it was the law, and not allow it to be interpreted by partisan magistrates. Who were the magistrates that sanctioned processions, which necessarily led to such fatal results? That was a most important point, and ought to be carefully inquired into. If the Government did not ascertain who were those who sanctioned these proceedings, the investigation would be a delusion. He held a letter in his hand from a noble Lord, who stated that resistance to an Act of Parliament might be justifiable and praiseworthy. It was this principle against which he protested. The Government should crush it, and take steps to make the law respected and obeyed, because it was the law. Until they did so, they could never rule Ireland; and scenes like these would be of frequent occurrence.

MAJOR BLACKALL

quite agreed with the law laid down by the hon. Member for Manchester that it was illegal for any parties to appear in arms. It should be recollected that the military who were connected with this business had no option of action themselves, but were entirely under the control of the magistrates. The conduct of the military during the trying times of last year in Ireland, was, he thought, sufficient to show that they were not the partisans of any class of men, but were always anxious to discharge their duty.

MR. FOX MAULE

thought that the House would admit that a most melancholy occurrence had taken place in Ireland. It was one that required the most minute investigation into all its details. He would, therefore, earnestly impress upon the House the inconvenience of getting into a discussion upon the subject now, when they found that the assertions on the one side were contradicted by the other. They should remember that it was but one short week since this affair had happened, and all the circumstances connected with it were to undergo a most strict inquiry by the Government. The military, on an occasion like that, were entirely at the command of the magistrates, and should not be censured for the course they took. They should recollect that during the late disturbed times in Ireland, the conduct of the military had been such as to call forth the approbation of all well-disposed persons.

MR. MONSELL

looked at this moment with a hope that something would be done to put an end to these miserable party quarrels in Ireland. It should be understood, before this Session closed, that it was the intention of the Government to put a final stop to these proceedings by the introduction of some legislative measure. He did not think that the statement of the hon. Secretary for Ireland was quite satisfactory on this point. He thought it was most essential, in the present excited state of the people's minds, that there should be a Bill introduced immediately into the House to put a stop to these party processions. The Government were also bound to express their opinion as to the existing law upon the subject, and at once to state whether, according to the common law of the country, 1,500 men could march fully armed through any district of the country without violating the law, and with a full knowledge on the part of the magistrates that there was another armed force in readiness to come into collision with it. He believed that the feeling of this House was, that the conduct of the magistrates on the occasion referred to was directly contrary to law.

MR. LABOUCHERE

could not help thinking that after the assurances given that the Government were determined to institute a complete and searching inquiry into this unfortunate business, it would be most inexpedient for the Government to comply with the request just made by the hon. Gentleman opposite, and that they should pronounce any opinion upon an abstract proposition. In the present condition of Ireland he saw nothing more unfortunate than that those scenes which he hoped had passed away for ever, should have been added to the calamities with which that unfortunate country was afflicted. During his experience of that country, nothing had given him greater satisfaction than to see a determination among the leading men of both parties, and especially the Protestant party, to discourage by every means in their power those displays which had kept up a spirit of animosity among different classes of the people, who had a common interest in living together in harmony. If these things could be prevented by the influence of men of all classes, it would be better than any interference by way of legislation. He deeply regretted what had recently occurred, and could only repeat the assurance which had already been given, that the attention of the Government had been directed to the matter, and that the most searching inquiry would take place.

MR. REYNOLDS

said, the speech of the right hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had surprised and disappointed him. The right hon. Gentleman asked the House not to agree to an "abstract proposition." What did the right hon. Gentleman mean by an "abstract proposition" in connexion with this massacre? It appeared from the evidence at the inquest that a man was shot. It also appeared that a woman was shot, and that not less than forty persons were wounded. He should like to know how that was considered an "abstract proposition? "

MR. LABOUCHERE

wished to explain. What he had called an "abstract proposition" was, not the circumstances of this case, but the question put to the Government, whether processions of this nature were or were not lawful?

MR. REYNOLDS

was glad that he had made the remark, because it had elicited such an explanation. He considered the summing up at the inquest an excuse for murder. Such proceedings were calculated to inflict great discredit upon the country and all the authorities. With regard to the military, no censure had been cast upon them. But it occurred to him that the author of these murders was the Earl of Roden. That observation might be unpleasant to hon. Gentlemen, but he believed the facts would show that to be so. What were the facts? That the Earl of Roden, the late grand master of the Orangemen in that province—and, perhaps, the grand master at present—invited 1,500 armed men to enter his domain on the 12th July. They were armed to the teeth—dressed in all the gaudy colours worn by Orangemen on these bloody anniversaries. It appeared that the Earl of Roden prepared the banquet, that be appeared in the dress of an Orangeman, that he road extracts from the holy Bible I among them, that he regaled them with I beer and porter, and whisky, and that after all this occurred they were directed to go by what was called a circuitous route on the one hand, and a bad road on the other. And why? Because the immediate district of Dolly's Brae was inhabited by Roman Catholics. Not satisfied with spending the day in triumph, shouting and huzzaing, and firing shots, and playing Croppies he down, and The Boyne Water, when they became inebriated they were determined to go to the houses of their neighbours for the purdose of insulting them. And they were safe in doing go. They had a troop of Enniskillen Dragoons riding before them, and two troops of infantry guarding them in the rear, and they were guarded on the flanks by the Orange police, and after a shot was fired from the van of this murderous cavalcade, they commenced the work of havoc. What was the course taken on this occasion? They pursued these "Ribbonmen," as they were called, up the hill, and, after murdering men, women, and children, they turned to their work of wrecking. They burned the Catholic priest's house—they wrecked the Catholic chapel—they robbed the people of their property—for, not content with burning the house of a grocer, they took away his property. It was impossible for an Irishman who wished to see the country properly governed, and that religious distinctions should cease, to restrain his indignation at the contemplation of this awful havoc. The Earl of Roden was a magistrate and a privy councillor. Mr. Beers, the magistrate, who encouraged these bloodhounds, was also in the power of the Government. Now, let him ask this question, did the House recollect how the Whig Government dealt with the hon. and gallant Member for the county of Armagh? On the 12th July, at one of those bloody banquets. Colonel Verner proposed "The Battle of the Diamond," for which the Marquess of Normanby, to his eternal credit, deprived him of the commission of the peace. What was done with respect to Colonel Blacker for appearing in front of his house with an Orange sash, and addressing a band of those men? He was deprived of his commission. Why then should they deal so tenderly with the Earl of Roden? If such a proceeding was to be overlooked, the hon. Member for Mallow need not express his regret that there was not a dictator and a despotism in Ireland. If the Earl of Roden was permitted to retain the commission of the peace, and to remain a privy councillor, then, indeed, would there be a despotism in Ireland—then would Orange ascendancy be again rampant in that country; and then, and not till then, would be say to his fellow-countrymen "You can have no confidence in the Government—you can have no confidence in any person but yourselves." He did not believe that any one, either peer or peasant, would be permitted to degrade the high office of magistrate under such circumstances. He had hitherto refrained from using any exciting language, but circumstances would compel him to alter his style. They had passed the Arms Act; why were not the Orangemen disarmed? They had passed the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act; why were not the Earl of Roden and his accomplices taken into custody? The Earl of Roden ought to have been in the dock at the inquest.

DR. NICHOLL

Sir, this discussion ought to cease. The House was assured that a searching investigation was going on: that investigation might lead to judicial proceedings, which they ought to do nothing to prejudice. What had been done in reference to Colonel Verner, Colonel Blacker, and Mr. Watson, ought to prove that rank would not screen any individual. They ought to leave the matter in the hands of the Government, and if justice were not done, in a future Session an inquiry might be entered upon, in order to find out why there had been such a failure of justice; and Irish Members might depend upon the assistance of independent English Members.

CAPTAIN ARCHDALL

agreed with his hon. and learned Friend and the Members of Her Majesty's Government, that the present discussion could lead to no good. He only rose to say that he had heard the abuse of the Orangemen by the hon. Member for Dublin with the utmost contempt.

MR. MOORE

, under the circumstances, would not persist in his Motion.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

House adjourned at One o'clock.