COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY—CHANGE OF ADMINISTRATION. (Hansard, 4 February 1828)

§ Mr. Liddell
said, that as it was one of the most important rights which a member of that House possessed, to deliver his opinions on such an occasion as the present, he trusted that no apology was necessary, when he stood up to express, in as few words as possible, his sentiments on the situation in which the government was placed, and to declare the grounds on which alone he could give it is humble support. If any such apology were necessary, it was, he conceived, to be found in the fact, that in the last twelve months the country had seen various important changes in the ministry: that during that period there had been no fewer than four different prime ministers. Twelve months had not gone over their heads since the great struggle took place between Mr. Canning and the powerful party by whom he was opposed, and who, though then defeated, had again gained the ascendancy. Many of those who stood by Mr. Canning in that time of trial had ceased to have any connexion with the ministry: a few of them still remained in authority, For himself, he could truly say, that no man was a more ardent admirer, no man a more cordial supporter, of Mr. Canning. It was true that that great man was no more: they no longer had the benefit of his experience and his talents; but it was to be 98 hoped that his example would still be useful to his country,—that the mens divinior which accompanied him through his splendid career, had shed a light on our foreign and domestic policy, which would serve to guide those by whom he had been succeeded. Although, by the death of that lamented individual, the main strength of the existing administration was withdrawn, it should have had his feeble support; but he was sorry to say that it had not proceeded with the vigour which might have been expected, and that it suffered itself to be dissolved, untouched by any hostile collision. He now came to the period when, called on by the monarch, the present cabinet was formed by the noble duke who was placed at its head. For that illustrious individual, no man could entertain a higher feeling of admiration. He had been the saviour of his country in the most arduous crisis that she had ever experienced. By his admirable conduct in the field, he had given peace to desolated Europe, and had justly earned the gratitude of his country. But, in spite of that noble duke's unquestionable abilities, he could not view his translation from the post of commander-in-chief of the army, to that of first lord of the Treasury with satisfaction. His original part was so well cast, his value to the army was so well known, that the public opinion was united on this point, that he could not be placed in a more proper situation than that which, as a military man, he so ably and advantageously filled. He therefore regretted, as he believed the country in general did, that the change had taken place. The duke of Wellington himself must have felt some repugnance at the situation in which he had been placed. It was reported, and the report had not been denied, that Mr. Canning had written to the duke, and had pointed out the incompatibility of his holding the two offices which he had subsequently filled. In the propriety of the sentiments contained in that letter, the noble duke was said to have agreed. In the House of Lords last session, the noble duke had himself declared, that he could not, with propriety, fill the two situations. This was upon record;^* and he trusted that the noble duke would not act differently in the present year from the sentiments which he had uttered in the last. Highly as he ^* See vol. xvii. P. 461. 99 thought of the noble duke's abilities, and of his firm character, still he could not bring himself to believe that he possessed those Atlean shoulders, which would enable him to support the whole weight of the administration, together with the duties of the War-office. The noble duke had gained fame and credit for the British army, he had added honour and renown to his country as a warrior, but it did not therefore follow that his talents were adapted to the situation which he now held. There was another gentleman connected with the present administration, relative to whom he wished to say a word or two. He alluded to the Secretary of State for the Home Department. The return of that right hon. gentleman to office was hailed with satisfaction by a large portion of the public, but, upon one important question, he held sentiments exceedingly different from those held by that right hon. gentleman. He was aware that it was precisely on account of the line of conduct pursued by him in reference to that topic, that the right hon. gentleman was looked upon by very many loyal and well-meaning subjects as one of the main pillars of the state. But he must say, that if the right hon. gentleman's claims to the confidence of the country were founded upon no other grounds than his policy upon that question, what appeared to others to constitute him a pillar of the state, operated as a barrier of exclusion to thousands, nay millions, of their fellow-subjects, who had for years been waiting at the threshold of the constitution, imploring to be admitted beneath its roof. He hoped that the principles of free trade would not be abandoned. He was desirous to see those principles acted upon, with judicious modifications. With regard to Ireland, something, he felt, must be done for that distracted country. Concession ought to be resorted to, not coercion. If any measures of a coercive nature were brought forward before concession was tried to its fullest extent, such measures should have his reprobation. It was time for them to shape their course anew—to choose between peace and war, loyalty and rebellion, tranquillity and convulsion. The course which he had described was the only one which he could support, with justice to his own character, and to the desire which he should always entertain of preserving the confidence of his constituents.

§ Mr. Hume
hoped that, before any money was asked for on account of the supply, the whole of the estimates for the year would be laid before the House. Nothing could be more disadvantageous than the practice of calling for money, and obtaining it, by dribblets, while the House was in ignorance of what the extent of the demand would be. He should certainly oppose any grant, until all the charges for the year were on the table.

§ Lord Palmerston
said, that the estimates for the more considerable sources of expense, the army, navy, and ordnance, would be upon the table before any vote was proposed; but some of the less important accounts, it was impossible to have ready until a later period in the session.

§ Mr. Hume
saw nothing impossible in the case, and thought it absolutely necessary that the miscellaneous estimates should be produced before any money was voted. These last accounts generally amounted to two or three millions. If ever there was a time when it was necessary to adopt a clear mode of proceeding with regard to the finances, the present was that moment.

Mr. Maberly
said, that the miscellaneous estimates had, of late years, arisen to an alarming height. He therefore hoped, that as the country had got a new ministry, every facility would be afforded the House for watching the progress of these expenses. He would oppose every grant, until the whole of the estimates for the year should be known.

§ Lord Palmerston
said, that the army, navy, and ordnance estimates, being founded upon the cost of existing establishments, were capable of being furnished early. The miscellaneous estimates, as there was more information necessary to calculate them, could not be produced so soon in the session.

Sir. J. Sebright
hoped that the House would vote no money until the whole of the estimates were before them. It was now necessary to look to the expenditure, not only of every million, but of every shilling of the public money. He pressed this point the more, because he understood that large expenses had been recently incurred for which there was no sufficient warrant. He alluded to the 101 sums which had been laid out in the repairs at Windsor, and in the improvement of the parks. He had not opposed the vote for the repairs of Windsor castle; but that vote had been limited to a specific sum. He had heard, that that sum had been very far exceeded; and he thought it fit that the House should know upon what authority the expense in question had been undertaken, and to what length it had extended. He trusted that the House would try the possibility of producing the miscellaneous accounts by refusing to vote any money until they were upon the table.

§ Mr. G. Dawson
said, he was satisfied, that there was no disposition to withhold from the House any estimates; and that the whole would be furnished with all possible expedition.

Sir J. Sebright
expressed his satisfaction at the assurances thus given. A new administration was now commencing its operations, and it could not do any thing that would be more satisfactory to the public, than by promoting inquiry into these subjects. He had not risen with any feeling of enmity towards the present administration. It had never been his practice to enter the ranks of opposition to a government; and, on the other hand, he had never ranged himself as a supporter of any, except that of the late Mr. Canning. Then, indeed, he had thought it his duty to support, as far as he could, an administration which he considered likely to be so beneficial to the country. But it did not follow that the new administration should find an opponent in him. Many persons objected to the duke of Wellington as rime minister. So for as that appointment went it had his warmest approbation. One of the objections urged against the noble duke's fitness for that office was, that he had passed a great portion of his life in military service. So far from looking upon that as a disqualifying circumstance, he was of opinion that the noble duke could not have been brought up in a better school. He had always had great objects before him to decide upon, and great interests to consider; and those habits of command would qualify him better for the leader of an administration, than a mere acquaintance with the routine of office. In the noble duke the country would at least find habits of decision; which was a point of first-rate consideration in the character of every minister; and he (sir J. Sebright) doubted not, that 102 by a sedulous restriction of the expenditure of the country, as far as was consistent, the noble duke would become as popular' a minister, as he already was a general.

§ Sir M. W. Ridley
said, that the repairs of Windsor Castle had undoubtedly exceeded the estimate; but that excess had not arisen out of change, in the original plan, but from the state of the general building; which had been found in a condition which could not be foreseen when the estimate was framed. He believed it would be fully proved, that no blame rested upon the commissioners, or upon the architect.

§ Sir Joseph Yorke
said, it was so much the object of the hon. member for Aberdeen to object to a supply being granted as to have the means of squaring the general expenditure of the country with its income. No doubt it was necessary to support the army and the navy; and there were some extras which it was equally necessary to support; but he hoped the new government would set to work, and take care, while they supported what was right, to lop off what was superfluous and extravagant. He could not agree with the hon. baronet, who was so pleased that they had got a military man to reign over them. He had rather it had been some one else. It was quite a choaker to him. He had no doubt as to the noble duke's decision of character, and that he would be able to keep the cabinet in good order [a laugh]; and he wished his noble relation had had a little of the same sort of spunk. Still he did not feel the military school the best school for a statesman. Nevertheless, if the noble duke laid by his habits of the sword a little he might make a good and a popular minister. As for his not being in the habit of making long speeches, he considered that circumstance a particularly fortunate one; two thirds of that which was called eloquence only tended to blink the question at issue.