HC Deb 26 June 1821 vol 5 cc1325-40
Mr. Wilberforce,

in rising to bring forward his motion on the subject of the Slave Trade, observed, that the situation in which he now stood was very different from that in which he was placed when he addressed the House upon this subject on former occasions. A considerable period had elapsed before the different interests of this country could be brought to favour the abolition of the trade. That great object was at length accomplished, and the whole voice of Great Britain was unanimously raised against it. Shortly after that determination came the bill of his hon. and learned friend (Mr. Brougham), which, by enacting a severe punishment of all those found engaged in this detestable trade, put the sincerity of the country beyond all doubt. It was proposed, that the measures adopted by this country for the abolition of the slave trade, during the war, should be followed up, on the arrival of peace, by the endeavours of our government to prevail upon foreign powers to carry into effect the principles which we had adopted. During the war we were the only carriers in Europe. The vessels of the other European nations navigated the ocean solely upon our permission. After the abolition of that detestable trade which had lasted for more than two centuries, we found that the African was not that degraded being which he was supposed to be; we found that he was a being possessing the same reasoning powers with ourselves; a being who, when his liberty and property were secured, was anxious to attach himself to habits of industry, and to form himself into a useful member of a peaceful community. Such was the state of the case when that struggle, in which the whole of the European powers were engaged, terminated in a peace. On the ratification of that peace the noble marquis opposite had used his utmost endeavours to induce the other great powers to co-operate with us in the abolition of the slave-trade. It was gratifying to find that the great powers in question had all expressed the same sentiments of disapprobation of this detestable traffic, and had also all expressed a wish that this scourge of the human race should be terminated. Spain and Portugal had hesitated most; but they at length joined in the same feeling, and the utmost which they pleaded for was, that a certain period should be allowed to the persons then engaged in the traffic. This country had, with a liberality highly to its honour, granted to Spain and Portugal a considerable sum as a remuneration for the losses sustained by those countries from the prosecution of our plan of abolishing the slave-trade. It was natural that we should now inquire into the result of the treaties into which we had entered with those countries. And here he felt it necessary to mention what had been done by the noble marquis, to whose labours and persevering ability the country was so much indebted on this occasion. The noble marquis had in all his negociations supported this cause with the greatest zeal and earnestness. Notwithstanding all the steps which had been taken, however, he was sorry to say that the slave-trade was still carried on to an immense extent, and in many instances with a degree of barbarity sufficient to exhaust human suffering on the one hand, and human cruelty On the other; and more than sufficient to justify all which had been said of it on former occasions.—The hon. member, after alluding to the conduct of the government of the Netherlands on this question, expressed a hope that that country, with which our interests were in a great measure bound up, would be induced to join us in our endeavours to protect so large a portion of our fellow-creatures. He trusted that Spain also would be induced to join us in this great work. He was the more inclined to entertain this hope, from a knowledge that there existed in that country a number of great and high-minded individuals who would be inclined to co-operate with us the moment that they felt the effects of living under a free constitution. From Portugal, also, he wished to entertain the same hope, but he was unfortunately forbidden to indulge that hope by the conduct of Portugal heretofore; that conduct having evinced the most decided disposition to pursue the traffic in slaves merely for the acquisition of gain. Whether the new institutions in that country would produce any change in the character of its government, or in its commercial system, upon this subject particularly, he could not pretend to say; but it would be strange indeed, if a country professing to sanction the principles of freedom and justice should tolerate the slave-trade—especially after governments upon the principle of arbitrary monarchy had decidedly declared against it. His wish was, that the several powers who had denounced this odious traffic, should appoint assessors to super-intend and cnsure the execution of their views, arid that Portugal should be peculiarly called upon to attend to this arrangement. It was gratifying to learn that America, which had derived great benefit from this traffic, had acted very differently from that of Portugal. As the Americans arose from the same source as ourselves, this indication of their character was a just cause of pride to Englishmen. But it was extraordinary that a nation so high spirited and chivalrous as France, had manifested quite a different feelings It was impossible, indeed, for any man acquainted with the character of the French, not to feel extremely disappointed at the disposition of that people to persevere in this odious traffic, after it was abandoned by England, and its nefarious practices were universally proclaimed; for these practices were such as to throw into the shade the utmost cruelties which sullied the French revolution; for while the latter might naturally be supposed to proceed from passions strongly excited, the former could have no other impulse than a cold, deliberate desire for gain.—Here the hon. member took a review of the case of the French ships engaged in the slave-trade, which were mentioned last night in the House of Lords, by lord Lansdown, and in which slaves were found stowed in casks, while others were thrown. overboard in casks, to avoid a search; remarking, in the most pathetic strain, upon the case of the slaves, and the crew; afflicted with ophthalmic. It was peculiarly revolting, he observed, that when this ophthalmic affliction was made known to the French government, the disease itself became the subject of mere medical, analysis, instead of provoking any inquiry as to the horrid cause of its existence. The most effectual guard against the continuance of the slave-trade would, he thought, be, to allow the mutual right of search, by officers of each nation; and to such an arrangement the French government would, he hoped, be easily reconciled; for the establishment of such a right could in no degree compromise its pride or consequence, especially where an officer on the part of each nation should be appointed to direct that search. The American legislature had, much to its honour, pronounced any ship of that nation engaged in the slave trade, guilty of piracy. It were to be wished that all governments should issue a similar decree, for the most vigorous measures were necessary to counteract the wide-spread evil of this traffic. There were some papers en the table which alleged the diminution of this trade, but those papers were contradictory in themselves, and therefore, by no means to be regarded as authority. This was the more evident upon looking to the representation of sir G. Collyer, who stated, that he saw 40 sail at the Havannah destined for the coast of Africa, at the very time to which some of those papers referred, and that, at the same period, there were 28 sail at Bonni waiting to take in cargoes of slaves. The facility of obtaining such cargoes, it was lamentable to say, was considerably increased by the measures of this country for the abolition of the slave trade; for, through those measures, the unfortunate natives of Africa were encouraged to collect in villages upon the banks of rivers and on the coast, from which they shrunk, while the ravages of the slave-trade were notoriously uninterrupted and openly pursued by British shipping. He could not help congratulating himself on the part which he had taken in rescuing this country from that abominable traffic. But although England, which had formerly prosecuted this trade with the greatest vigour, and which, had derived from it the greatest profit, had rescued itself from the disgraceful pursuit, the work of humanity and justice must still be incomplete while other nations were engaged in it. To induce those nations, then, to abandon that traffic, was a most desirable object. He imputed no lukewarmness or want of ability to his noble friend opposite. He was fully aware that his noble friend had great difficulties to encounter in the prejudices of foreign powers. The policy pursued by those powers was founded upon a mistaken sense of gain; mistaken, he called it, for the Great Disposer of events had ordained, that national gain could never be promoted by a violation of justice, and that the course prescribed by the principles of justice and humanity was also the course which was most consistent with commercial prosperity. The hon. member concluded with moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, representing to his Majesty, That in the various documents relative to the Slave Trade, which, by his majesty's command, have been laid before the House, we find a renewed and most gratifying proof of the persevering solicitude with which his Majesty's government has laboured to meet the wishes of this House, and of the nation at large, by effecting the entire and universal abolition of that guilty traffic:—That we learn from them, however, with the deepest regret, that his Majesty's unwearied efforts to induce various powers to per- form their own solemn engagements have not been more successful:

"That, notwithstanding the deliberate denunciation by which the Slave Trade was branded with infamy at the Congress of Vienna, as a crime of the deepest eye, and notwithstanding the solemn determination there expressed by all the great powers of Europe, to put an end to so enormous an evil; nevertheless, that this trade is still carried on, to an extent scarcely ever before surpassed, by the subjects, and even under the flags, of some of the very powers which were parties to those declarations:—A Dispatch of a more encouraging tenor, from his Majesty's commissioner and the chief criminal judge at Sierra Leone, has indeed been very recently communicated to this House, but we have too-much reason to-fear that the hopes expressed in that communication are far too sanguine, and even the papers previously in our possession contain intelligence of a most painfully, opposite nature:

"That the Trade, faithful to its malignant character, is still productive of the same destructive effects as heretofore:—nay, though in the conduct of this detested traffic, every form of inhumanity might be supposed to have been already exhausted, yet of late it had been attended with unprecedented enormities:

"That we lament deeply our not having experienced the cordial co-operation which we might on every ground have so reasonably expected from the court of the Netherlands:—We have witnessed, however, with great satisfaction, the strenuous and able exertions with which the king's minister at that court has followed up the instructions of his Majesty's government, in contending for the just construction of our treaties with that power:—And we cannot but hope that commercial nation will feel the duty and necessity of adopting a policy more consonant at once to the principles of justice and humanity, and to the dearest obligations of good faith towards her most ancient and steady ally:

"That we have seen with extreme regret the Slave Trade carried on of late years by Spain to an extent before unparalleled; and, also, that the local government of the Havannah has shown an evident indiposition to employ the means recently stipulated for its repression; but the time haying at length arrived when Spain solemnly engaged that all Spanish slave trade should cease absolutely and for ever; that high-minded people, we cannot but feel confident, will prove faithful to their engagement, and will be induced cordially to unite with us in promoting the effectual and universal extinction of the Trade, by every civilized power:

"That we cannot contemplate the conduct of the court of Portugal, with respect to the Slave Trade without the deepest concern:—That court, indeed, though not calling in question the true nature and effects of the Slave Trade, forbore, even at Vienna, complying with the earnest, request of all the other European powers, that she would name some fixed period for the termination of the Trade:—Even the Treaty by which she engaged to abolish the Slave Trade to the North of the Line has been little regarded; and to this day, though every form of intreaty has been exhausted by the great European powers not the smallest hope is held out to us of the total abolition of the trade:—Under these circumstances, we cannot but think that both Great Britain, and the other powers assembled in Congress at Vienna, would not he faithful to their high obligations and engagements, if they were any longer to rest satisfied with mere intreaties and remonstrances, which experience compels us to believe would be of no effect; and we are necessarily led to revert to the suggestion which was countenanced by the high contracting powers at the Negotiation at Vienna, of excluding from commercial intercourse with their respective dominions, any state which should pertinaciously refuse to abolish the Slave Traded after it should have been prohibited by all other nations:—We are impelled, however, reluctantly to intreat his Majesty to endeavour to induce those powers to carry the above suggestion into effect, and at least to, prohibit the importation into their dominions of the produce of any colonies belonging to the Crown of Portugal, so long as she shall continue thus to set herself in direct opposition to the moral feelings and concurrent wishes of all the Christian powers, and to defeat every hope of the civilization and improvement of Africa:

"That we contemplate with far different feelings the conduct of the United States of America; not only have their cruizers been actively employed, in co-operation with our Own, in suppressing the Slave Trade on the coast of Africa, but an act has been passed by Congress, which places the Slave Trade in the list of piracies, and subjects to capital punishment all citizens of the United States who shall be found to engage in it; that in witnessing the conduct of the Legislature of the United States on this occasion, we are led to reflect with grateful exultation on our common origin, and on those common laws and institutions, whose liberal spirit has prompted our American brethren to be among the very foremost in thus stamping on a traffic in the persons of our fellow-creatures its just character and designation:—And we cannot but express our earnest hopes, that not only we ourselves shall speedily follow so honourable an example, but that the day is not far distant when, by the general concurrence of all civilized nations, this detestable traffic shall be pronounced to be piratical, to be an offence against all human kind,, which all are entitled and bound by duty to suppress:

"That from the gratifying contemplation of the zeal manifested by the United States, to promote the cause of humanity, we turn with feelings of the most painful disappointment to France, by some of whose subjects the Slave Trade has been for some time carried on to ah unprecedented extent, along the whole range of the Western Coast of Africa; and whose flag not only protects her own subjects in their criminal enterprizes, but serves to protect the subjects also of other powers, who engage in this commerce, but who are prevented by the vigilance of British cruizers from finding any shelter under the flags of their own countries:

"That we are bound by every consideration of duty and feeling to take an especial interest in the fate of those countries, now possessed by France on the African continent, which were restored to her dominion by Great Britain:—And we cannot reflect without the deepest pain, that whereas while under our protection; they not only enjoyed a temporary respite from their miseries, but were beginning to enjoy the security and comfort arising from the exercise of a peaceful industry, and of a legitimate commerce; the renewal of the Slave Trade, which almost immediately followed their cession to France, has utterly blasted these delightful prospects, and has again consigned those unhappy countries to rapine and anarchy, to barrenness and desolation;— That we cannot believe, if the opprobrious facts of the cases were fully known in France, that so great and gallant a people, blessed by the bounty of Providence with all that render a nation powerful and prosperous, would tolerate the prostitution of its flag to such base and flagitious purposes, or would stoop to take up and prosecute a traffic which so many other powers had indignantly abandoned on account of its incurable wickedness and cruelty:—more especially when its real nature and effects have, been unquestionably established; when the French legislature has decreed the entire abolition of the trade, and when their sovereign himself, under his own hand, has solemnly pledged himself to join with his Majesty in effecting the extinction of a traffic, which, to use his own emphatic language, 'tends to the destruction of mankind:'—That notwithstanding the sacred obligations thus contracted by France, so numerous and so flagrant have recently been the unpunished violations of her engagements, that, but for the confidence we wish, ever to repose in the upright intentions of those who administer her affairs, we should find it very difficult to believe that these violations could have taken place without their knowledge and connivance; and we must have been compelled to suspect, that some partial interests, or some mistaken Views of policy, had interfered to prevent the faithful performance of duties, to the fulfilment of which they are solemnly bound, not only by the most sacred obligations of religion and morality, but by the pledged faith of their government, and even by the personal honour of their sovereign:

"That we therefore entreat his Majesty seriously to represent to the, court of France, how deeply the credit and reputation of the French government are involved in these transactions, and. that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to renew the most earnest efforts, to induce them to make good their various solemn engagements on this subject, and in particular, to fulfil the promise recently given, to employ new and more efficient, restraints, and call into action fresh penal sanctions, in order effectually to prevent the carrying on, by French subjects, of this odious and disgraceful traffic:

"That while we thus entreat his Majesty to concert with other powers the, means of carrying into complete effect this great cause, we are not merely prompted by a sense of what is due to the general obligations of justice, and humanity:—we cannot but feel that to Africa we owe a debt which conscience and honour oblige us to repay:—And though we cangratulate his Majesty on the generous zeal, which Great Britain has manifested, and the costly sacrifices she has made, in vindicating in this instance the rights and happiness of our fellow-creatures, yet we cannot reflect without remorse that we ourselves were too long among the very foremost in carrying on this guilty commerce:

"Since we are now aware, of its real character, it becomes us to be earnest and incessant in our endeavours to impress the truth on others who may have been misled by our example:—And as we contributed so largely to prolong the misery and barbarism of the Africans, we should now be proportionally earnest in using the means with which Providence has endowed us, for promoting their civilization and happiness."

The Marquis of Londonderry

said, that in common with the House, he always listened with the greatest pleasure to every speech of his hon. friend, especially, upon that great question of which he was the parent, and which, by his, benevolent and persevering exertions, he had brought to a successful issue. He could assure his hon. friend, that he had heard him with the greater satisfaction, because he observed, that while, his hon. friend endeavoured to rouse the feelings of the House and of foreign powers in the common cause of humanity, he did not omit to remind the House that it was long, before even this moral and Christian nation felt the full objections to the traffic in slaves, and could wind itself up to use the necessary exertions for its abolition. While his hon. friend, therefore, was pressing his majesty's government to make this appeal to foreign powers, he must feel that they could not be at once awakened to that state of moral feeling which we, had ourselves attained only by slow degrees. With regard to the address, it was impossible that the House should not observe that many passages in it conveyed very strong and pointed reproaches upon the conduct of foreign governments. He had no, hesitation in saying, that if he looked to the question merely in a political point of view, and with reference to the state of responsibility in which it was calculated, to place him, he should feel himself bound to object to many parts of the address, and to modify many of its expressions. He trusted, however, that if he yielded to the proposition of his hon. friend, his motives would not be misunderstood abroad. It was right that foreign powers should know how the country and parliament fe1t with regard to this great question. He believed it would be impose sidle to give final and decisive success to the great work of humanity, unless foreign powers could be brought to agree upon a common system of punishment as applied to this offence. His hon. friend was much mistaken, if he supposed that the principal difficulties in effecting this desirable object arose from absolute, and not from free and representative governments. On the contrary, the American, government, though he was ready to admit that it acted upon liberal and enlightened principles with regard to the general question, was still, of all other governments, the most opposed to a qualified system of common search. With regard to the two representative governments of Spain and France, though the slave-trade had been abolished in Spain, the colonial interests had sufficient influence in the Cortes to procure the rejection of a proposition for increasing the severity of the penalties. In France, the dealing in Slaves was no crime by the existing laws; it was merely a civil offence, punishable by fine and confiscation of the property embarked in it, and the efforts of the French government had not yet been able to overcome the national prejudices so far as to render it a criminal offence. With regard to Portugal, he was compelled to observe, that that government formed an inglorious exception to the rest of Europe, and that it felt no disposition whatever to abolish the traffic in slaves. The Brasilians were as much persuaded that the abolition of the slave-trade would be attended with the most ruinous consequences to themselves, as our colonists in the West Indies were ten years before his hon. friend carried his bill. Though he objected to many parts of the address as a diplomatic instrument, he was ready to support it as a moral appeal to the foreign powers, animating them to rouse the moral energies of their people to an active and cordial co-operation with this country in the great work of humanity.

Sir James Mackintosh

said, that his chief reasons for troubling the House was, to embrace the opportunity which the address was intended to afford to every member of delivering his sentiments in accordance with it, in order that the unanimous voice of parliament, speaking the Unanimous sense of the people might produce a due impression on the continent of Europe. It was only by reiterated appeals to the feelings and consciences of nations that any hope could be entertained of the final abolition of a system that disgraced the name of trade. He did not intend to discuss, whether concession was more likely to be obtained from free or from absolute governments: he well knew that vulgar notions often found their Way among representative bodies; for a vulgar notion upon this very subject had long withstood the united argument and eloquence of many of the great men of the last Century. He laid out of the question what had been done by powers in the north of Europe, because where there was no interest, there was nothing to relinquish: but looking at others, he could not perceive, that in any representative government the sense of the people had been the true obstacle to concession by the authorities. The noble lord had called Portugal an inglorious, but he (sir J. M.) termed her an infamous exception, to the liberal spirit of other nations. The independent provinces of Spain in South America were governed by representative bodies, yet in all of them the slave-trade had been abolished. Portugal alone opposed the civilization and liberty of mankind: she was as singular in her practice among the states of South America as she was singular in her principles among the powers of Europe. Her conduct had been base and shameless; it admitted of no excuse; and when the noble lord talked of the commotions that threatened her, it ought not to be forgotten that five years ago, after the Congress of Vienna, she had none, of them* t6 dread; yet then she had opposed to the abolition a resistance as obstinate as it was senseless. In 1810, five years before the Congress and the condemnation of the traffic, Portugal had entered into a positive treaty with this country regarding the slave-trade; yet, with this atrocious aggravation peculiar to her, she still refused to carry it into effect. Recollecting all these circumstances, he could not help saying that Portugal had proclaimed herself an outlaw in the community of civilized nations, refusing to pay to humanity even that tribute which hypocrisy was said to pay to virtue. The noble marquis had said, that our own conduct with regard to the abolition ought to teach us forbearance in the delays of other nations. He admitted the fact. But the noble lord stood on higher ground when he called upon other nations now to relinquish this traffic, than we occupied when we interposed delay, and yielded for a time to obstacles which all the zeal and exertions of his hon. friend were unable immediately to remove. When his hon. friend began his labours, it was alleged that our West India plantations could not be cultivated without new importations of slaves; that our colonial prosperity depended on our traffic in human blood. Now we had experience in favour of the abolition; we had given up the slave trade, and we had not been ruined. This foreign nations might see. They could observe that we had not suffered by the cessation of a traffic, which was said to be essential to our colonial existence. The noble marquis had stated, as one of the reasons why we should address ourselves with temper to the other nations concerned in this traffic, that having been convinced of its wickedness and impolicy ourselves, we were making an appeal to them, and calling upon them to adopt our opinions; but in making this apology for these powers, the noble lord had weakened his own cause. We did not call upon them to adopt our opinions but to fulfil their own engagements. The noble marquis had stated, with truth, that in France the slave trade was not prohibited by its criminal code; but was it not monstrous to think, that after six years' delay, after declarations of the wickedness and barbarity of the traffic, the carrying of it on was not declared a crime and rendered liable to punishment? Could the government of France plead the reluctance of the people to any penal statute upon the subject? It might be seen by all who read the debates of the French chambers, and particularly by those who had perused the speech of an old friend of his, M. La Fayette, that those who generally opposed the government would zealously join in supporting a law for punishing slave-dealers. Until he saw the trial made, he would hold it to be a calumny against the French legislature, a calumny against the French nation, to say that they would cover with impunity so criminal a traffic. He would rather believe, that the fault lay in the insincerity of the government. How could any one trust in its good faith on this subject, after what had recently happened? Had they tried the captain of the Rodeur? There might be no criminal law in France to punish slave trading, but was there no law against murder? Was ever any picture of cruelty and misery drawn more appalling than that which the Rodeur presented—a scene worthy of the sublime and terrible genius of Dante to describer—a scene which was not exceeded in horror by any of his, descriptions of those regions where the perpetrators of such enormities must be punished? It were to be wished that a sublime living genius of our own country, who inherited the power, and now resided in the land of the great Italian poet, would paint in becoming colours such enormities, and hold up this horrible traffic to the execration of mankind. The House had no doubt read the accounts on the table transmitted by that meritorious officer, sir G, Collier. He stated that in the course of one year 60,000 persons had been carried into slavery from the coast of Africa, and that a great proportion of this number were exported in French ships. Was not this fact known to the French government, and if it was known, why did it take no step to bring these monsters to justice, who were thus vomited forth to pollute and desolate the soil of Africa? The United States of America had done that without treaty or stipulation, which the powers of Europe had neglected to do, in contravention of their most solemn engagements. He rejoiced to find that two nations of English, blood, allied by religion and liberty, had been the first to place in their criminal code this enormity. Though separated in government, they showed themselves still united in the principles of freedom and humanity, by abolishing the trade in the same year, and by since both declaring it piracy. He could not observe without indignation on the base pretext set up by Portugal, that the cruelty of the trade was diminished, with her, as she merely sent slaves from her possessions in the east, to Brazil. While he was in India he had had an opportunity of knowing the kind of humanity thus exercised on board Portuguese slave vessels. He had, in his capacity of judge, condemned two of these ships, and he could say, that nothing could be more false than these pretensions to humanity. With the conduct of that state which called itself Christian because it was bigotted, and civilized because it had acquired the power to op- press, he could honourably contrast the behaviour of the Mahometan governments in India, and on the island of Madagascar, which had kept their engagements and abolished the trade: and here he must pay a due tribute of praise to marquis Wellesley, who had first carried into effect the abolition in our Indian dominions, with that elevation of mind and comprehensiveness of view which he brought to all of his measures, though of some of them he could not altogether approve. The motion of his hon. friend suggested the question of the possibility of ultimately abolishing the traffic. Some persons not favourable to the abolition were of opinion that it could not be extirpated by all our sacrifices and exertions; while the progress of the work seemed slow and irregular to the benevolent impatience of good men. Compared, indeed, with the life of man, its progress was slow; but not so when compared with the great instances of human improvement found in history. Every one must allow that much had already been done, who considered that all Europe had solemnly pronounced against it; that England and America had declared it piracy; and that those who now carried it on were obliged to cover their actions under some mean and hypocritical pretence. When he reflected on these things, he did not despair. He had lived long enough to have heard his hon. friend and those who acted with him, denounced as jacobins, and accused of the most dangerous purposes, for merely exerting themselves to procure the abolition of that traffic which was now called a crime in our Statute book. He did not then despair. He believed that the principle of reformation in this country of reason and liberty, where opinions were free, and discussion permitted, would always ultimately triumph, and that from this country it would spread to others. There was enough of difficulty to excite our vigilance, and call for our exertion; to induce us to make frequent appeals to the public opinion of nations, and the reason and conscience of sovereigns. Our efforts would in time diffuse public opinion over Europe, and abolish this nefarious traffic, leaving no trace of it but the abhorrence which its recollection might excite.

Dr. Lushington

said, that America had not done enough by passing one act. The making of slave-dealing piracy would not prevent it, unless a sufficient number of cruisers were kept along the coast of Africa, to enforce the penalty.

Mr. Bernal

stated, that it had cost us a million of money to prevail upon Portugal by stipulations not to trade north of the line; yet those stipulations had been violated.

Mr. Marryat

said, that the learned member for Knaresborough had been mistaken in stating, on a former occasion, that slaves were treated better in the East than in. the West Indies, and cited passages from Dr. Buchanan's book in support of his statement: he also animadverted, on the difficulties, thrown in the way of the question itself by the emperor of Russia, who bad given the monopoly of supplying his dominions with sugar to Portugal and Spain, on account of our duties imposed upon foreign linen. He thought the powers favourable to the abolition ought to join in the prohibition of the consumption of Portuguese commodities.

Mr. Gurney

asked whether there was; any thing in the motion which pledged the House to support measures of hostility against those countries who refused to comply with the terms of the motion?

Mr. Brougham

replied in the negative, and with respect to the question, observed; that although America had done much to put down the slave-trade by her act of abolition, and by declaring the traffic piracy, yet until the right of reciprocal search was allowed, her efforts could not be complete. This, right of search, had acquired an ill-name by circumstances of the last war, but as we now offered a present equivalent to America for what she could give up, and not any thing future and contingent, as when one was belligerent and the other neutral; he trusted the difficulty would be soon obviated.

The Address was agreed to nem. con.