HL Deb 25 May 1905 vol 146 cc1363-6

*THE EARL OF DARTREY rose to call attention to the United Irish League meeting at Scotshouse, county Monaghan, on Sunday, the seventh of this month, at which an inflammatory address, suggesting outrage and murder, is stated to have been delivered; and to ask what steps His Majesty's Government propose to take in consequence. He said: My Lords, I desire to call the attention of your Lordships' House to the recent proceedings of the United Irish League in the county in which I live, because from the accounts that have reached me they appear to have been of a very remarkable character. The meeting to which I refer took place on Sunday, the 7th instant, at Scotshouse, county Monagan. It does not appear to have been advertised beforehand, which possibly accounts for the local police sergeant knowing nothing about it; indeed, when the meeting commenced he was absent in a neighbouring town on other business, but I believe he got back in time to hear a good deal of what passed at the meeting. Much may be learnt from the Press reports. I may especially refer to two Nationalist papers—the Dundalk Democrat and the Anglo-Celt. From these I learn that— At last Mass it (the meeting) was announced from the puplit by Mr. McElroy, the parish priest, who called on the people to attend and hear the advice which would be given them by Mr. Lynam, organiser, who was present as the accredited representative of the Irish Parliamentary Party.

I had better begin with an incident, perhaps trivial in itself, but which gained importance from the way it was used. As the proceedings were about to commence, according to the Anglo-Celt— Mr. J. C. Madden, of Hilton Park"—Hilton Park adjoins the village of Scotshouse—" who was one of the congregation coming out of the Protestant church, pushed his way through the crowd and complained to Father McElroy that the band playing had caused annoyance to the congregation in the Protestant church.

I may at once say I have seen Mr. Madden, who denies having pushed his way at all; the crowd was not dense, and he walked through gaps in it. On a previous occasion—Christmas, 1903—he had complained to Mr. McElroy of noise outside the Protestant church during service, and then received from him an extremely civil reply, so he had no reason to expect anything else on this occasion. Having complained, Mr. Madden retired. I do not wish to say anything against Mr. McElroy.

I pass on now to the principal speech delivered at the meeting. The speaker, Mr. Lynam, appears to have employed the incident I have related as an excuse for using specially violent language about Mr. Madden in the course of his torrent of invective against landlords generally. However, if he had confined himself to abuse, misrepresentation, and slander about landlords, those might hardly be grounds sufficiently tangible for the authorities to be justified in interfering, but in the middle of all this he expressed his opinion that— All the compensation the landlords of this country are entitled to is three yards of a hempen rope. and I submit that in so saying he went very near indeed to counselling and advising wholesale murder, if, indeed, he was not actually doing so. Denunciation and abuse of landlords seem to have been the main purport of the earlier part of his speech, and I need not trouble your Lordships with further details on that point. But as he got further on he appears to have warmed to his work, and after telling his hearers that no concessions had ever been obtained from the British Government except by outrages or threats of outrages he proceeded to say that— A few barrels of powder laid up against Clerkenwell Prison blew up the whole Protestant Church in Ireland! and shortly afterwards he is represented as saying that— He was not approving of crime, but most of them were aware that it was the shooting of some eleven or twelve landlords in certain parts that got them the Land Act of 1881. He did not, however, advise his hearers to take any such measures.

Here we have this man, the accredited representative of the Irish Parliamentary Party, holding forth on the advantages which he said had ensued in the past from a policy of murder and outrage, no doubt qualifying his statements by saying that he did not advise his hearers to resort to such measures. But where is the practical value of such qualifications, or a dozen such, just after he had alluded to crimes as useful acts and likely to conduce to the realisation of their desires? and that in a harangue which was obviously an appeal to the passions of an excitable populace whom we have every reason to believe to be in no way disinclined to commit lawless acts.

It should be remembered that the object of Mr. Lynam's presence on this occasion was avowedly to reorganise the local branch of the United Irish League, which was done by enrolling members, collecting subscriptions, appointing officers, and arranging for a subsequent meeting to be held on Sunday last. Whether it has been held or what may have occurred, I have not yet heard. It is possible that His Majesty's Government may know more about it than I do. The gentle methods of the United Irish League are only too well known—they are much the same as those of the Land League of a few years ago, of which, in fact, it is really a resuscitation under a new name; and how soon may we expect some of these methods, i.e., outrage and murder, to be put in practice in the neighbourhoods—unless threats and intimidation have already produced implicit obedience to the orders and laws of the league? I would therefore submit that this meeting alone gives ample and sufficient grounds for proclaiming the United Irish League as an illegal association and for suppressing it. I would further ask if general orders could not be given to the police at all times to prevent and disperse any meeting or any noisy or disorderly concourse near a place of worship where Divine service is going on, which might in any way disturb the services then in progress?

*THE MARQUESS OF LONDONDERRY

My Lords, the noble Earl has stated the facts accurately. It is quite true that Mr. Lynam used very uncomplimentary language with regard to Captain Madden, but the noble Earl opposite who has been Viceroy of Ireland, together with the Prime Minister and myself, have been made the subject of denunciation at the hands of various Nationalists, in comparison with which the remarks of Mr. Lynam with reference to Captain Madden were as water unto wine. I certainly think that Mr. Lynam's speech was most unfortunate. The noble Earl asked whether it was the intention of the Irish Government to prosecute Mr. Lynam, but they could not do so on legal grounds, the reason being that he protected himself by saying that the league denounced outrage of every description, and that their policy was one of constitutional agitation.

*THE EARL OF DARTREY

During the greater part of his speech Mr. Lynam seems to have dwelt on the advantages of crime and outrage.

*THE MARQUESS OF LONDONDERRY

I have no desire to defend the speech, and I would be glad to see those who make such speeches brought to book and placed in the dock; but to do that you must have a good case, and I am afraid that this case is not strong enough. With regard to the inconvenience of the bands playing within such a short distance of the church, I am informed that at a meeting held in the vestry, at which Captain Madden was present, it was agreed that there was no intention of disturbing the service and therefore that no action should be taken. In view of that resolution, how could the Government interfere in the matter? The noble Earl has rightly called attention to Mr. Lynam's violent language. But he knows as well as I do that the policy of the professional agitator in Ireland is only one of blather, and that his only object is to retain his position as agitator. This is the first time I have heard of Mr. Lynam, but from reading his speech I imagine that he is only one of those professional agitators of whom Ireland has far too many. Certainly care will be taken that the power of the United Irish League does not increase; and the House may rely on it that the present Chief Secretary will insist on law and order being upheld. I may add that I personally would not remain a member of the Government if that policy was not carried out.

LORD MUSKERRY

My Lords, I would only observe that it seems to me that the blather of the Irish agitator has been very successful. All Loyalists in Ireland hope and expect that the new Chief Secretary will bring about a change—and a change for the better.

House adjourned at twenty-five minutes past Five o'clock, to to-morrow, half-past Ten o'clock.