HC Deb 20 May 1999 vol 331 cc1227-39

4. Standing Order 15(1) (Exempted business) shall apply to proceedings on the Bill at today's sitting, and the proceedings shall not be interrupted under any Standing Order relating to sittings of the House.

5. Standing Order No. 82 (Business Committee) shall not apply to proceedings on the Bill.

6. No Motion shall be made, except by a Minister of the Crown, to alter the order in which any proceedings on the Bill are taken or to recommit the Bill; and if a Minister makes any such Motion, the Question on the Motion shall be put forthwith.

7. No dilatory Motion shall be made in relation to the Bill except by a Minister of the Crown; and if a Minister makes any such Motion, the Question on the Motion shall be put forthwith.

8. The proceedings on any Motion made by a Minister of the Crown for varying or supplementing the provisions of this Order shall, if not previously concluded, be brought to a conclusion one hour after they have been commenced; and Standing Order No. 15(1) shall apply to those proceedings.

9. If at today's sitting a Motion for the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 24 (as that Standing Order has effect in accordance with the Order of the House [16th December 1998]) stands over to Four o'clock and proceedings on this Motion have begun before that time, the Motion for the Adjournment shall stand over until the conclusion of proceedings on the Bill.

10. If the House is adjourned at today's sitting, or the sitting is suspended, before the conclusion of proceedings on the Bill, no notice shall be required of a Motion made at the next sitting by a Minister of the Crown for varying or supplementing the provisions of this Order.

I shall speak to the motion as briefly as possible, as I sense that both sides of the House want to get on and discuss the main business before us—which is the resumed consideration of the Welfare Reform and Pensions Bill, and particularly the Government's proposals on disability benefits.

However, I must point out that after 13 hours of debate on Monday, we had completed consideration of less than half the amendments down for discussion. I made it clear the following day that the Government wished to bring the matter back to the House at the earliest opportunity and were keen to discuss our proposals—which will improve the condition of many disabled people—in prime time. By bringing them back today, when the House sits during the day, we shall ensure that the debate takes place in prime time. It is in the interests of the House and the country that people should understand exactly what the Government are proposing.

The Bill was in Committee for more than 65 hours and 25 sittings. That is the most sittings that a social security Bill has had for 10 years. There were 180 Opposition amendments. We spent 13 hours in debate on Monday. A lot of that debate was on matters on which the Opposition apparently supported us, such as extending maternity allowance to people who previously did not get it. We spent two and a quarter hours on the single work-focused gateway, which the Opposition apparently support. We spent some considerable time discussing our proposals for extending bereavement benefits before the Opposition withdrew their amendment.

At no point did the Opposition ask us for more time to discuss the Bill. We would have been happy to timetable the Report stage over two days rather than one. I stress again that I am more than happy to set out the Government's proposals, which will bring more help to severely disabled young people and to those who can work and want to do so, while bringing the benefit system up to date to reflect changing conditions. This wide-ranging welfare reform Bill implements the first stage of our pensions proposals, extends benefits to people who lose their spouse and have young children, and reforms disability benefits, as well as modernising the workings of the social security system. Those are all matters that the majority of the people in the country and in the House will support.

If we can dispose of the debate on the guillotine motion quickly, the House will have four and a half hours to debate these important matters. That is probably longer than we would have had if there had not been a guillotine. I am anxious that all hon. Members should have as much opportunity as possible to put their point of view. If I am lucky enough to catch your eye later in the afternoon, Madam Speaker, I shall be happy to respond to the points that are put.

1.17 pm
Mr. Iain Duncan Smith (Chingford and Woodford Green)

The Secretary of State said that the Bill had one of the longest Committee stages in recent years. That is not surprising. This huge Bill is essentially four Bills in one, so that is no justification for the guillotine.

I intend to be brief, because we do not want to take too much time from the key debates on the proposals. However, it is important to point out that it was unnecessary for the Government to push the guillotine forward. The Secretary of State said that we could have asked for extra time, but we did not need extra time. We would have completed the consideration of the amendments in good time in one sitting.

It is all very well for the Secretary of State to say that the situation is everybody else's fault. He carried out one-to-one briefings with the press lobby, winding up the process by saying that there would be no discussion and no concessions, that the Government would take the so-called rebels head-on, that there would be a real clash and that he was looking forward to it. We have a bargain basement Arnold Schwarzenegger who has pumped up the debate; but half way through consideration, he cut and ran, failing to face up to a serious debate.

The Secretary of State now blames everyone else. Apparently, we were going to bump the Kosovo debate the following day or we were filibustering the debate. [HON. MEMBERS: "Yes!"] Well, a glance at the amendments reinforces the point that the Government tabled new clauses on three new subjects that had had no previous consideration. Two of them—on very big subjects—were tabled at the last moment. One—which changed the relationship of people with their pension funds in insolvency—was dramatic, and changed the nature of the Bill. The second, and perhaps most important, was the clause that we believe will destroy the livelihoods of self-employed people, particularly those in the information technology industry.

The last section of the clause, which is all about giving powers to the Treasury, states that the Treasury may with the concurrence of the Secretary of State by order make such modifications of the preceding provisions of this section as the Treasury think appropriate for that purpose. Those powers are vast, and mean that the Treasury can change anything it likes—at a whim, by order. No wonder we needed to debate those matters, and the Government tabled those new clauses ahead of everything else. The Leader of the House told us that these were minor considerations. They were not.

We heard earlier that it was a huge Henry VIII clause, but it is not so much Henry VIII as Louis XIV. The Prime Minister, Louis XIV himself, is the absolute monarch, ruling all he surveys. This is a clause in his mind and his body. He had his Chancellor going around that night on one-to-ones with the Secretary of State, leaning on those of his colleagues who took a different view. The Chancellor, the cardinal, is responsible to Louis XIV, but the Secretary of State is the man in the iron mask.

So busy was the Secretary of State with the Chancellor that he managed to come into the Chamber for this vital Bill—his Bill—for four minutes and 23 seconds out of 14 hours. But who is counting? The Secretary of State made an appearance like a rabbit and went out like a rabbit when it was time for a one-to-one.

After all that, the right hon. Gentleman has the cheek to come here and blame everybody else—the man who briefed and built up has now been blown away. He may discover that, as in all one-to-ones, it is good to talk, but it is also good to listen. The Secretary of State has not been listening. He did not listen to his advisory forum, all of whom resigned in disgust; he is not listening to his colleagues who have a problem with the proposals; and he is not listening to the Opposition. If he were listening more than lecturing, he might have learned of the serious problems with his proposals.

After such incompetence—and with the Secretary of State now standing in the shadow of the only guillotine that really matters to him—I suggest that he looks to the famous lines of Sydney Carton: It is a far, far better rest I go to than I have ever known. The Government are a shambles and out of control. The guillotine today is a sign of the bully—all bluster and bravado, but when it comes to the crunch, no backbone.

1.23 pm
Mr. Gerald Kaufman (Manchester, Gorton)

I strongly support this guillotine motion, and I would like to explain why—particularly to my hon. Friends, all of whose views I respect on this matter of great importance.

I look at this matter in the context of my experience of previous Labour Governments with previous contentious issues, such as the reform of the House of Lords in the 1966 Parliament. At that time, it was not opposition from Conservatives or Liberals, but disagreement within our own party that led to the reform of the House of Lords being frustrated and prevented. It has had to be resuscitated 30 years later by a Government so concerned about it that they have had to resort to the desperate measure of appointing me as a member of a royal commission to look at it.

Labour Members—Opposition Members could not have done it—inserted in the original Scottish and Welsh devolution legislation the 40 per cent. referendum provision that led to the fall of the Labour Government, 18 years of Conservative government and, incidentally, a 20-year delay in the introduction of devolution.

We are to debate a major issue after we approve the guillotine. I respect fully the views of all my hon. Friends, but they should be aware that the Government will win today, regardless of Labour Members' votes against or abstentions. They will win because of the loyalty of the overwhelming majority of members of the parliamentary Labour party, including old lags such as myself.

What will be the consequence if there is a substantial failure among Labour Members to support the Government? Whatever our views, we will all go from here tonight and campaign for our party in the European elections. If there is a substantial reduction in the Government's majority because of the views of some of my hon. Friends—and they are friends in both senses—who will be pleased?

The Government will not be pleased. My hon. Friends who have reservations or disagreements with the Government will not be pleased, because they will have lost. Who will be pleased? The BBC, which has set itself up as a kind of alternative Opposition party, will be pleased. It is waiting breathlessly for its news bulletins to be able to start with the headline, "Labour suffered a serious rebellion and setback in the House of Commons this afternoon."

Who else would benefit? Let us consider the Liberal Democrats who, we must never forget, voted with Margaret Thatcher to bring down the Labour Government who would have introduced devolution. They are responsible for Thatcherism, together with the Conservatives. There are quite a few pretty nice guys among Liberal Members of Parliament, but those of us who have nests of Liberal Democrats in our constituencies know that they are not the same thing at all. They are opportunists, fluttering from issue to issue and alighting like flies on garbage heaps.

The Liberal Democrats in our constituencies are waiting to prepare their grubby "Focus" leaflets to put through letter boxes. That is what they will do, regardless of the views of their Members of Parliament who, as I said, share the responsibility for 18 years of Thatcherism.

What about the Conservatives? If there is—as I trust that there will not be—a substantial reduction in the Government's majority this afternoon, that will bring the first smirks to their faces since May 1997. It will give great comfort to the people who are responsible for the entire problem facing the Government today, because the number of people on incapacity benefit today derives from the fiddling of the unemployment figures by the Conservative Government.

I do not decry in any way the sincerity with which my hon. Friends approach this issue. However, they should consider the consequences of their actions this afternoon, because I sat here for 18 years under a Conservative Government and I do not want another. Just look at that hypocritical rabble now. The Conservatives were responsible for the issue and they are trying to cash in on it, but they have offered no solutions. They are beaten and battered, but they are hoping to drag something out of this afternoon.

1.30pm

Mr. Paul Tyler (North Cornwall)

The right hon. Member for Manchester, Gorton (Mr. Kaufman) is normally an eloquent advocate of parliamentary democracy. The argument that he has just advanced is that his colleagues on the Government Benches should not listen to their consciences or to the arguments, but should vote now and go home. I hope that Labour Members will realise that that is a jaundiced view from the right hon. Gentleman and may be influenced by the fact that on 6 May, more people voted Liberal Democrat in his constituency than voted Labour.

I shall not follow the two previous contributors with 30-year or even 300-year precedents. I wish to address the implications for the good management of business in this House now, which is as important as this Bill. I must correct the Secretary of State: the principal Liberal Democrat spokesman on social security made it clear that we thought that it would be necessary to have two days of debate for Report and Third Reading, because in Committee, there was not a single Labour Member who took a view different from the Government's on the issues. Dissenting Labour Members could not put forward their views in Committee and would wish to do so on Report. That is why the proceedings are so important and why we need time. I wish to offer a gentle and modest word of advice to the Secretary of State and his colleagues on the Front Bench. They should show a little bit less of their macho aggression towards those who will be pleased by what may happen this afternoon, towards those who are genuinely in receipt of disability benefits and towards the groups that represent them. They are listening to this debate carefully, because they want to know what has happened to the Labour Government whom many of them supported in 1997.

Surely the Government recognise that the attitude they have adopted is likely to cause more resentment, not less. A more thoughtful and responsive attitude would have been much more successful. What will the Secretary of State say to Labour Members who will have to go back to their constituencies this weekend and confess that they voted for a more devastating attack on the living standards of that particular group than even the Conservatives were prepared to make? That is the reality of the situation.

The guillotine should not have been necessary and the Secretary of State was wrong. Had the proceedings continued in the early hours of Tuesday morning, we could have had about 10 more hours of discussion without affecting the business on Tuesday. We could have dealt adequately with all the issues, including those that will be raised today by Labour Back Benchers. Now he is allowing us just six hours.

The Secretary of State for Education and Employment (Mr. David Blunkett)

rose—

Mr. Tyler

I shall not give way because we are being brief. [HON. MEMBERS: "Give way."] Nobody else has taken interventions and I shall not do so, because I wish to get on with the debate.

Mr. Blunkett

rose—

Mr. Deputy Speaker (Mr. Michael J. Martin)

Order. I cannot have two Members standing at the same time.

Mr. Tyler

Nobody—no Minister and no Whip—ever explained on behalf of the Government why it was necessary to stop the debate at that hour in the morning on Tuesday. The guillotine should not have been necessary, because we could have continued on Tuesday morning and given adequate attention to the Bill.

It would be absurd for me to make an extensive speech at this stage, but I believe that the Government are wrong to try to steamroller the Bill through instead of sticking to the original proposal of a proper debate with plenty of time to enable all views to be heard. The Government will regret the impression that will be given by pursuing this course of action.

1.34 pm
Mr. Richard Shepherd (Aldridge-Brownhills)

The hon. Member for North Cornwall (Mr. Tyler) is quite wrong. The Government have not permitted six hours for debate on the Bill. They have in fact contemplated limiting debate to just three hours. The allocation of time motion is entitled to three hours in itself.

Ms Ann Coffey (Stockport)

Sit down and let us get on with it then.

Mr. Shepherd

No, I will not.

Mr. Deputy Speaker

Order. When I call an hon. Member to speak, I expect him to be heard.

Mr. Shepherd

Those who shout "sit down" should reflect on who is placing the motion before the House. Who seeks to curtail debate?

The right hon. Member for Manchester, Gorton (Mr. Kaufman) gave us an old Stalinist, new Labour speech. His complaint that he had endured 18 years of Thatcher government reminded me that many Members think that we have had, as of 4 May, 20 years of Thatcher's principles and government.

The Government are utilising a guillotine to defeat proper debate on matters of conscience, judgment and the representative function. Across the Chamber, I see the nodding heads of the nodding donkeys. I have seen the same during 20 years in this House. The Government are seriously telling the House that around 60 Back-Bench Members have expressed dissent, but that they can be bundled out in one and a half hours. They are telling us that if they can shut up the House, there might be four and a half hours of debate. Notice how the Government are trying to swivel the finger of blame towards others when it points firmly at the Secretary of State who is proposing this extraordinary guillotine.

I want to take apart one of the Secretary of State's arguments. He announced that the Bill spent 65 hours in Committee. Many Members sitting here have served in Committees lasting well over 100 hours. The new fashion of Government is no longer to seek consent or even to settle for acquiescence. The Crown in Downing street is prepared to ram through, in just 90 minutes, contentions that are matters of conscience and the representative function.

Every hon. Member who votes for the guillotine will be saying that he or she accepts that he or she may have no freedom of speech to express his or her wishes and his or her judgment.

Kali Mountford (Colne Valley)

indicated dissent.

Mr. Shepherd

I see the hon. Lady baying at me, but if she reflects on what I am asking, she will see that this matter should be debated without a vicious guillotine. Members must weigh two propositions. Are they prepared to vote to deny themselves the ability to address these issues properly? That is the question that they must ask themselves. We shall see who goes through the Lobby, saying, on the one hand, "Yes we should not discuss this matter", but saying on the other hand, for the wider public, "We protest against this issue."

There is a fundamental contradiction in voting for the motion. We hold it in our hands to send a message to the Government that including guillotine motions in the time for consideration of the Bill—only six hours, including three for the guillotine—is deceitful. That deceit is intended to screw down proper debate and reasoned opposition. When the Secretary of State says that he has allowed six hours, we all know that that is phooey. It is a monstrous demonstration of the Executive's control over the representative body of the electorate of the United Kingdom.

1.38 pm
Sir Richard Body (Boston and Skegness)

Over the past 40 years, I have debated many guillotine motions, but I have never been so saddened as I am on this occasion. All of us know that the true purpose of a guillotine is to suppress debate. There can be no other reason for one. On this occasion, there should be plenty of time, because no right hon. or hon. Member has no disabled people in his or her constituency.

The only way in which we can persuade the Government that this measure is unjust is by giving examples of case histories. By their nature, those must take some time to set out. To restrict debate is a cruel and a wrong device. I regret the guillotine motion enormously. Every Labour Member who wants to speak, and who will be prevented from expressing the concerns of constituents who will be affected by the Bill, must protest. However they vote later, they ought to vote against this motion, which is as wicked a guillotine as has ever fallen on the House.

1.40 pm
Mr. Darling

The hon. Members for Aldridge-Brownhills (Mr. Shepherd) and for Boston and Skegness (Sir R. Body) have always spoken against guillotine motions. They spent 18 years supporting the Tory Government, but arguing against those motions, so there is nothing new there. I understand their views, which are well held—[Interruption.] I know that the hon. Members did not vote for them. Indeed, they were something of a bother to the previous Administration and they are entitled to take their view. However, it is important to point out that by 3am on Tuesday morning, we were halfway through all the amendments that had been put down for debate. It does not do anyone any good to discuss—[Interruption.]

Mr. Deputy Speaker

Order. I do not want any interventions from the Front Bench.

Mr. Darling

It does not do any of us any good to start debating such an important matter after being up all night, having discussed dozens of issues, and in that state of mind. I have been here only 13 years, but I know a filibuster when I see one and I saw what was happening on Monday night. We are ensuring this afternoon that the majority of the House has adequate time to debate what is an important issue.

I now turn to the two arguments of the two Opposition parties. On consultation, I must point out, as I dare say that it will come up later, that I am sorry that some members of the disability benefits forum decided that they could no longer serve. I was encouraged by the fact that they wrote to me on the same day that they resigned, saying that despite their differences—there had been differences—they wanted to come back and discuss the detailed proposals as well as others. Some of the members of the forum have already been in the Department and one group is coming tomorrow afternoon to discuss service delivery. I am sorry that those people decided to leave, but the door is always open to anyone who wants to discuss any aspect of our welfare reform.

I have some sympathy with my right hon. Friend the Member for Manchester, Gorton (Mr. Kaufman). People voted for the Labour party in May 1997 because it created the welfare state in the 1940s, and we believe in the welfare state now. We were elected to clean up the mess that the Tory party left us. The Labour party has introduced measure after measure to combat poverty and the causes of poverty.

I can deal quite simply with the Liberal Democrats. One of the most important steps that we have taken to combat poverty for everyone, including disabled people, is the new deal. The Liberal Democrats opposed the means of funding that new deal. They cannot pretend today that they are the friends of those who have benefited from the new deal without admitting that, if they had had their way, there would have been no new deal in the first place.

I sense that the majority of Members in the House want to get on to debate the important matters before us. I am happy to do so and we should now proceed to do that, I hope without a Division and without further delay.

Question put:

The House divided: Ayes 377, Noes 145.

Division No. 190] [1.43 pm
AYES
Adams, Mrs Irene (Paisley N) Bradley, Peter (The Wrekin)
Ainger, Nick Bradshaw, Ben
Ainsworth, Robert (Cov'try NE) Brinton, Mrs Helen
Alexander, Douglas Brown, Rt Hon Gordon (Dunfermline E)
Allen, Graham
Anderson, Donald (Swansea E) Brown, Rt Hon Nick (Newcastle E)
Anderson, Janet (Rossendale) Brown, Russell (Dumfries)
Armstrong, Rt Hon Ms Hilary Browne, Desmond
Ashton, Joe Buck, Ms Karen
Atherton, Ms Candy Burden, Richard
Atkins, Charlotte Burgon, Colin
Austin, John Butler, Mrs Christine
Banks, Tony Byers, Rt Hon Stephen
Barnes, Harry Caborn, Rt Hon Richard
Barron, Kevin Campbell, Alan (Tynemouth)
Battle, John Campbell, Mrs Anne (C'bridge)
Bayley, Hugh Campbell, Ronnie (Blyth V)
Beard, Nigel Campbell—Savours, Dale
Beckett, Rt Hon Mrs Margaret Cann, Jamie
Begg, Miss Anne Caplin, Ivor
Bell, Stuart (Middlesbrough) Casale, Roger
Benn, Rt Hon Tony Caton, Martin
Bennett, Andrew F Cawsey, Ian
Benton, Joe Chapman, Ben (Wirral S)
Bermingham, Gerald Chaytor, David
Berry, Roger Clapham, Michael
Best, Harold Clark, Rt Hon Dr David (S Shields)
Betts, Clive Clark, Paul (Gillingham)
Blackman, Liz Clarke, Charles (Norwich S)
Blears, Ms Hazel Clarke, Eric (Midlothian)
Blizzard, Bob Clarke, Rt Hon Tom (Coatbridge)
Boateng, Paul Clarke, Tony (Northampton S)
Borrow, David Clelland, David
Bradley, Keith (Withington) Clwyd, Ann
Coaker, Vernon Henderson, Doug (Newcastle N)
Coffey, Ms Ann Henderson, Ivan (Harwich)
Coleman, lain Hepburn, Stephen
Colman, Tony Heppell, John
Connarty, Michael Hesford, Stephen
Cook, Frank (Stockton N) Hewitt, Ms Patricia
Corbett, Robin Hill, Keith
Corbyn, Jeremy Hinchliffe, David
Corston, Ms Jean Hodge, Ms Margaret
Cousins, Jim Hoey, Kate
Cox, Tom Hood, Jimmy
Cranston, Ross Hoon, Geoffrey
Crausby, David Hope, Phil
Cryer, Mrs Ann (Keighley) Hopkins, Kelvin
Cryer, John (Hornchurch) Howarth, Alan (Newport E)
Cummings, John Howarth, George (Knowsley N)
Cunningham, Rt Hon Dr Jack (Copeland) Howells, Dr Kim
Hoyle, Lindsay
Cunningham, Jim (Cov'try S) Hughes, Ms Beverley (Stretford)
Curtis—Thomas, Mrs Claire Hughes, Kevin (Doncaster N)
Dalyell, Tam Humble, Mrs Joan
Darling, Rt Hon Alistair Hurst, Alan
Darvill, Keith Hutton, John
Davey, Valerie (Bristol W) Iddon, Dr Brian
Davidson, Ian Illsley, Eric
Davies, Rt Hon Denzil (Llanelli) Ingram, Rt Hon Adam
Davies, Geraint (Croydon C) Jackson, Ms Glenda (Hampstead)
Dean, Mrs Janet Jackson, Helen (Hillsborough)
Denham, John Jamieson, David
Dismore, Andrew Jenkins, Brian
Dobson, Rt Hon Frank Johnson, Alan (Hull W & Hessle)
Donohoe, Brian H Johnson, Miss Melanie (Welwyn Hatfield)
Doran, Frank
Dowd, Jim Jones, Barry (Alyn & Deeside)
Drew, David Jones, Mrs Fiona (Newark)
Drown, Ms Julia Jones, Helen (Warrington N)
Dunwoody, Mrs Gwyneth Jones, Ms Jenny (Wolverh'ton SW)
Eagle, Angela (Wallasey)
Eagle, Maria (L'pool Garston) Jones, Jon Owen (Cardiff C)
Edwards, Huw Jones, Dr Lynne (Selly Oak)
Efford, Clive Jones, Martyn (Clwyd S)
Ellman, Mrs Louise Jowell, Rt Hon Ms Tessa
Ennis, Jeff Kaufman, Rt Hon Gerald
Field, Rt Hon Frank Keeble, Ms Sally
Fisher, Mark Keen, Alan (Feltham & Heston)
Fitzpatrick, Jim Keen, Ann (Brentford & Isleworth)
Fitzsimons, Lorna Kelly, Ms Ruth
Flint, Caroline Kemp, Fraser
Flynn, Paul Khabra, Piara S
Follett, Barbara Kidney, David
Foster, Michael Jabez (Hastings) Kilfoyle, Peter
Foster, Michael J (Worcester) King, Andy (Rugby & Kenilworth)
Foulkes, George King, Ms Oona (Bethnal Green)
Fyfe, Maria Kingham, Ms Tess
Gapes, Mike Kumar, Dr Ashok
Gardiner, Barry Ladyman, Dr Stephen
George, Bruce (Walsall S) Lawrence, Ms Jackie
Gerrard, Neil Laxton, Bob
Gibson, Dr Ian Lepper, David
Gilroy, Mrs Linda Leslie, Christopher
Godman, Dr Norman A Levitt, Tom
Goggins, Paul Lewis, Ivan (Bury S)
Gordon, Mrs Eileen Lewis, Terry (Worsley)
Griffiths, Jane (Reading E) Liddell, Rt Hon Mrs Helen
Griffiths, Nigel (Edinburgh S) Linton, Martin
Griffiths, Win (Bridgend) Lloyd, Tony (Manchester C)
Grocott, Bruce Lock, David
Grogan, John Love, Andrew
Gunnell, John McAvoy, Thomas
Hain, Peter McCabe, Steve
Hall, Mike (Weaver Vale) McCafferty, Ms Chris
Hall, Patrick (Bedford) McCartney, Rt Hon Ian (Makerfield)
Hamilton, Fabian (Leeds NE)
Harman, Rt Hon Ms Harriet McDonagh, Siobhain
Heal, Mrs Sylvia Macdonald, Calum
Healey, John McDonnell, John
McFall, John Reid, Rt Hon Dr John (Hamilton N)
McGuire, Mrs Anne Robertson, Rt Hon George (Hamilton S)
McIsaac, Shona Robinson, Geoffrey (Cov'try NW)
McKenna, Mrs Rosemary Roche, Mrs Barbara
Mackinlay, Andrew Rooker, Jeff
McNamara, Kevin Rooney, Terry
McNulty, Tony Ross, Ernie (Dundee W)
MacShane, Denis Roy, Frank
Mactaggart, Fiona Ruane, Chris
McWalter, Tony Ruddock, Joan
Mahon, Mrs Alice Russell, Ms Christine (Chester)
Mallaber, Judy Ryan, Ms Joan
Mandelson, Rt Hon Peter Salter, Martin
Marsden, Gordon (Blackpool S) Sarwar, Mohammad
Marsden, Paul (Shrewsbury) Savidge, Malcolm
Marshall, David (Shettleston) Sawford, Phil
Marshall, Jim (Leicester S) Sedgemore, Brian
Martlew, Eric Shaw, Jonathan
Maxton, John Sheerman, Barry
Meacher, Rt Hon Michael Sheldon, Rt Hon Robert
Meale, Alan Short, Rt Hon Clare
Merron, Gillian Simpson, Alan (Nottingham S)
Michael, Rt Hon Alun Singh, Marsha
Michie, Bill (Shef'ld Heeley) Skinner, Dennis
Milburn, Rt Hon Alan Smith, Rt Hon Andrew (Oxford E)
Miller, Andrew Smith, Angela (Basildon)
Moffatt, Laura Smith, Rt Hon Chris (Islington S)
Moonie, Dr Lewis Smith, Miss Geraldine
Moran, Ms Margaret (Morecambe & Lunesdale)
Morgan, Ms Julie (Cardiff N) Smith, Jacqui (Redditch)
Morgan, Rhodri (Cardiff W) Smith, John (Glamorgan)
Morley, Elliot Smith, Llew (Blaenau Gwent)
Morris, Ms Estelle (B'ham Yardley) Soley, Clive
Morris, Rt Hon John (Aberavon) Southworth, Ms Helen
Mountford, Kali Speller, John
Mudie, George Squire, Ms Rachel
Mullin, Chris Starkey, Dr Phyllis
Murphy, Denis (Wansbeck) Steinberg, Gerry
Murphy, Jim (Eastwood) Stevenson, George
Murphy, Rt Hon Paul (Torfaen) Stewart, David (Inverness E)
Naysmith, Dr Doug Stewart, Ian (Eccles)
Norris, Dan Stinchcombe, Paul
O'Brien, Bill (Normanton) Stoate, Dr Howard
O'Brien, Mike (N Warks) Stott, Roger
O'Hara, Eddie Strang, Rt Hon Dr Gavin
Olner, Bill Straw, Rt Hon Jack
O'Neill, Martin Stringer, Graham
Organ, Mrs Diana Stuart, Ms Gisela
Osborne, Ms Sandra Sutcliffe, Gerry
Palmer, Dr Nick Taylor, Rt Hon Mrs Ann
Pearson, Ian (Dewsbury)
Pendry, Tom Taylor, Ms Dari (Stockton S)
Perham, Ms Linda Taylor, David (NW Leics)
Pickthall, Colin Temple—Morris, Peter
Pike, Peter L Thomas, Gareth (Clwyd W)
Plaskitt, James Thomas, Gareth R (Harrow W)
Pollard, Kerry Timms, Stephen
Pond, Chris Tipping, Paddy
Pope, Greg Todd, Mark
Pound, Stephen Touhig, Don
Powell, Sir Raymond Trickett, Jon
Prentice, Ms Bridget (Lewisham E) Truswell, Paul
Prentice, Gordon (Pendle) Turner, Dennis (Wolverh'ton SE)
Prescott, Rt Hon John Turner, Dr Desmond (Kemptown)
Primarolo, Dawn Turner, Dr George (NW Norfolk)
Prosser, Gwyn Twigg, Derek (Halton)
Purchase, Ken Twigg, Stephen (Enfield)
Quin, Rt Hon Ms Joyce Vaz, Keith
Quinn, Lawrie Vis, Dr Rudi
Radice, Giles Walley, Ms Joan
Rammell, Bill Ward, Ms Claire
Rapson, Syd Wareing, Robert N
Raynsford, Nick Watts, David
Reed, Andrew (Loughborough) White, Brian
Whitehead, Dr Alan Wise, Audrey
Wicks, Malcolm Woolas, Phil
Williams, Rt Hon Alan Worthington, Tony
(Swansea W) Wright, Anthony D (Gt Yarmouth)
Williams, Alan W (E Carmarthen) Wright, Dr Tony (Cannock)
Williams, Mrs Betty (Conwy) Wyatt, Derek
Wills, Michael
Wilson, Brian Tellers for the Ayes:
Winnick, David Mr. David Hanson and
Winterton, Ms Rosie (Doncaster C) Jane Kennedy.
NOES
Amess, David Jackson, Robert (Wantage)
Arbuthnot, Rt Hon James Johnson Smith, Rt Hon Sir Geoffrey
Atkinson, David (Bour'mth E) Jones, Nigel (Cheltenham)
Atkinson, Peter (Hexham) Keetch, Paul
Baker, Norman Kennedy, Charles (Ross Skye)
Bercow, John Key, Robert
Blunt, Crispin King, Rt Hon Tom (Bridgwater)
Body, Sir Richard Kirkbride, Miss Julie
Brady, Graham Kirkwood, Archy
Brand, Dr Peter Laing, Mrs Eleanor
Brazier, Julian Lait, Mrs Jacqui
Breed, Colin Lansley, Andrew
Brooke, Rt Hon Peter Leigh, Edward
Browning, Mrs Angela Letwin, Oliver
Bruce, Malcolm (Gordon) Lewis, Dr Julian (New Forest E)
Burnett, John Lidington, David
Burns, Simon Lloyd, Rt Hon Sir Peter (Fareham)
Burstow, Paul Llwyd, Elfyn
Cash, William Chapman, Sir Sydney Lyell, Rt Hon Sir Nicholas
(Chipping Barnet) McIntosh, Miss Anne
Clappison, James Maclean, Rt Hon David
Clifton—Brown, Geoffrey McLoughlin, Patrick
Collins, Tim Maples, John
Colvin, Michael Mawhinney, Rt Hon Sir Brian
Cormack, Sir Patrick May, Mrs Theresa
Cran, James Moore, Michael
Davey, Edward (Kingston) Morgan, Alasdair (Galloway)
Davies, Quentin (Grantham) Moss, Malcolm
Day, Stephen Nicholls, Patrick
Dorrell, Rt Hon Stephen Norman, Archie
Duncan, Alan Oaten, Mark
Duncan Smith, lain Ottaway, Richard
Emery, Rt Hon Sir Peter Paice, James
Evans, Nigel Pickles, Eric
Faber, David Prior, David
Fabricant, Michael Randall, John
Fallon, Michael Redwood, Rt Hon John
Fearn, Ronnie Rendel, David
Flight, Howard Robertson, Laurence (Tewkb'ry)
Forsythe, Clifford Roe, Mrs Marion (Broxbourne)
Forth, Rt Hon Eric Russell, Bob (Colchester)
Fowler, Rt Hon Sir Norman St Aubyn, Nick
Fraser, Christopher Sanders, Adrian
Gale, Roger Sayeed, Jonathan
Garnier, Edward Shepherd, Richard
Gibb, Nick Simpson, Keith (Mid-Norfolk)
Gill, Christopher Smith, Sir Robert (W Ab'd'ns)
Gillen, Mrs Cheryl Soames, Nicholas
Gorman, Mrs Teresa Spelman, Mrs Caroline
Gorrie, Donald Spicer, Sir Michael
Gray, James Spring, Richard
Green, Damian Stanley, Rt Hon Sir John
Greenway, John Streeter, Gary
Grieve, Dominic Stunell, Andrew
Hammond, Philip Swayne, Desmond
Harris, Dr Evan Swinney, John
Hawkins, Nick Syms, Robert
Heath, David (Somerton & Frome) Tapsell, Sir Peter
Heathcoat—Amory, Rt Hon David Taylor, Ian (Esher & Walton)
Hogg, Rt Hon Douglas Taylor, John M (Solihull)
Horam, John Taylor, Matthew (Truro)
Howarth, Gerald (Aldershot) Taylor, Sir Teddy
Jack, Rt Hon Michael Thompson, William
Tonge, Dr Jenny Wells, Bowen
Townend, John Welsh, Andrew
Tredinnick, David Whitney, Sir Raymond
Trend, Michael Whittingdale, John
Tyler, Paul Willis, Phil
Tyrie, Andrew Woodward, Shaun
Viggers, Peter Yeo, Tim
Walter, Robert Young, Rt Hon Sir George
Wardle, Charles Tellers for the Noes:
Waterson, Nigel Mr. Oliver Heald and
Webb, Steve Sir David Madel.

Question accordingly agreed to.

Resolved,

That the following provisions shall apply to the remaining proceedings on the Welfare Reform and Pensions Bill