HC Deb 04 March 1998 vol 307 cc1016-24 12.30 pm
Mr. John McDonnell (Hayes and Harlington)

Astoundingly, this appears to be the first recorded debate in the history of the British Parliament specifically on the subject of the Irish community in Britain. That is all the more astounding because, as the House will be aware, Irish migration to Britain goes back as far as the first forays by Irish chieftains to Wales, during which they reputedly kidnapped a small boy who grew up to become our patron saint, Saint Patrick.

After the 12th century Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland, emigration escalated, and by the 1600s there were sizeable Irish communities in most major cities. Some of that migration was the inevitable and natural movement of peoples, but certainly over the past two centuries the growth in the numbers of Irish people coming to Britain was overwhelmingly a direct result of the colonial exploitation of Ireland—a process which included discriminatory measures that suppressed and destroyed whole sections of Ireland's economic base.

Racism and discrimination are also tools of colonial oppression. The denigration of the Irish has been used not only to justify colonial invasion and occupation but to reinforce oppression. Liz Curtis' s excellent book, "Nothing but the Same Old Story", charts the depiction of the Irish within British culture and the media as some brutish sub-species, from the earliest Norman tracts to the present-day Murdoch newspapers.

Over time, racism has been as effective a weapon of oppression as any sword or gun—more effective in some ways, because it is less overt and can even be internalised by the victims, undermining their feelings of self-worth.

Remarkably, however, until last year there had been no comprehensive investigation into discrimination experienced by the Irish community in Britain. Throughout the 1980s, a number of organisations, including the Federation of Irish Societies, the Irish in Britain Representation Group, the Action Group for Irish Youth and the Irish Women's Centre, campaigned to highlight the discrimination faced by the Irish in Britain.

Those organisations were joined by local authorities such as the Greater London council, Camden, Haringey and Lewisham, and the Association of London Authorities. To its credit, the Irish Post, under the editorship of Brendan McCluha and Donal Mooney, became the vehicle in which that anti-Irish racism was exposed.

The campaign culminated last year in the publication of an excellent and authoritative research project by Dr. Mary Hickman and Dr. Bronwen Walter, commissioned by the Commission for Racial Equality. The report examines the extent to which Irish people in Britain experience various forms of discrimination. I pay tribute to Herman Ouseley, the first chair of the CRE to take the issue of anti-Irish racism seriously.

To many, the results of the research project are startling. The researchers drew on the 1991 census data and consulted a wide range of organisations working within the Irish community. They also conducted a pilot survey among the Irish population in Britain. They catalogued the inequality that Irish people have experienced, and described finding in many people of Irish origin a powerful sense of hurt and unjustified exclusion from an equal place in British society. The researchers demonstrated that deep seated Irish stereotypes affected many areas of the lives of Irish people, including workplaces, access to housing, treatment at benefits offices and interactions with neighbours and the police. Drawing on the census data, the research confirmed that the Irish in Britain experience a range of social disadvantages compared with the white indigenous population.

The findings revealed that the Irish experience lower than average rates of upward social mobility, and that their housing provision is of significantly lower standard than that of the white population, with twice the level of overcrowding and the worst amenities of any major ethnic group.

Of all the ethnic minorities in Britain, the Irish have the poorest record of physical and mental health. That finding has been reinforced recently by a research report in the British Journal of Psychiatry that revealed that Irish men are the only migrant group whose life expectancy worsens on emigration to England. Those excessive mortality and morbidity rates persist into the British-born children of Irish migrants.

The research study's survey of Irish community groups and advice agencies consolidated the results extrapolated from the statistical data with the views of those working at the sharp end of dealing with the problems faced by the Irish community.

The survey exposed a widespread denial of specific Irish needs and a refusal by statutory bodies to include an Irish dimension in consultation on, and the planning of, service delivery, including community care plans and housing investment strategy. It depicted the stereotyped responses and comments by service providers that meant that Irish concerns were not taken seriously, and included reports of harassment ranging from violent physical attack on Irish individuals and organisations to the everyday occurrence of verbal abuse.

Regrettably, the survey also revealed an element of police harassment, sometimes triggered by the hearing of Irish accents of names, and often associated with the use of the prevention of terrorism Acts.

The research programme went on to survey a cross-section of the Irish population in Britain, and the researchers concluded: The most striking finding was the high levels of anti-Irish hostility routinely encountered by Irish people in Britain". They revealed a catalogue of demeaning treatment which built into a cumulative picture of normal levels of harassment, punctuated by a number of more frightening and aggressive acts". The survey showed that all aspects of Irish people's lives were affected by racism. That was manifested in many ways. For example, 25 per cent. reported negative responses from the police, ranging from verbal abuse to assault, 24 per cent. described discriminatory treatment at benefit offices, and 79 per cent. recorded that they were subjected to derogatory anti-Irish remarks, jokes and comments, which 70 per cent. of those surveyed found offensive.

Occasionally and increasingly, Irish people have resorted to legal action under the Race Relations Act 1976 to overcome racism and discrimination, and there is now a body of court and tribunal judgments against anti-Irish discriminatory practices. However, the survey found that the general response of Irish people when they encountered anti-Irish racism was to adopt a low profile or "heads down" approach.

That must not be the Government's response to the findings and recommendations of the research. We must develop a strategy that puts in place the policies, structures and resources that will enable us to take the first steps in eradicating anti-Irish racism in our community.

The CRE report and the contribution of many Irish community organisations to the debate has set a clear agenda for the Government, and for us all, to follow. The first step is to break through the barrier of the traditionally crude, "black and white", binary approach to tackling racism and discrimination in this country.

The debate about racism in Britain has been limited by the definition of ethnic status based on skin colour, and the belief that the white population is a homogeneous group. That denies the diversity of ethnic composition of the white population and the diversity of its cultural and historical roots.

The strong resistance, especially in central Government bureaucracies, in sections of local government and in Government-appointed agencies, to the acceptance of a distinctive Irish experience in Britain has meant that Irish needs are generally not accepted or specifically catered for.

If we accept that the Irish in Britain encounter particular problems and have specific needs, it follows that we can tackle those problems only if we have a sound body of information and research relating to the Irish experience in Britain. For that reason, I join with the organisations, including the CRE, that are pressing for the inclusion of an Irish category in ethnic monitoring systems and in the next census in 2001.

Unfortunately, the introduction of ethnic monitoring has been uneven across public bodies. It is vital, therefore, that the Government take the lead in insisting on the establishment of ethnic monitoring systems within all key areas of public service, and on the inclusion of an Irish ethnic category within those systems.

Given the deep-seated resistance of some public agencies to the very concept of anti-Irish racism, I do not believe that it can be left to individual Government Departments and agencies to decide on the principle or the practice of ethnic monitoring for the Irish in their respective spheres. Thus, I would urge the Government to co-ordinate the introduction of these systems, setting a definite pre-determined deadline for their implementation. That could be facilitated by the convening of a cross-departmental group, meeting representatives of the CRE and the major Irish representative community organisations to work through a programme for the common introduction of ethnic monitoring.

If we are to be a Government dedicated to providing equal opportunities to all in our community, we must ensure that the needs of the Irish are recognised in the development of our policies and the allocation of resources. That must include the firmer recognition of the housing needs of the Irish community by the provision within the housing association sector of a fairer allocation of resources to successful and effective housing associations, such as the Cara and Innisfree housing associations.

The strategy should also include greater support to the voluntary sector organisations and advice bodies that are struggling to work within the Irish community to provide culturally sensitive services and to develop self-help groups to tackle the problems faced by the Irish community.

If we are to tackle the disproportionate level of ill-health among the Irish in Britain, we need to ensure that resources are targeted to health authorities where there are concentrations of the Irish population. That would provide the basis for addressing the specific health needs of the Irish community, taking into account the particular problems identified recently among the elderly and the mental health problems of a migrant community. Integral to our approach to combating anti-Irish discrimination should be an exercise that provides training to staff involved in direct service delivery, raises consciousness on the issue among policymakers in all echelons of Government and develops that within other funding bodies.

Within the criminal justice system and police service, it is clear—regrettably—that some discriminatory attitudes remain to be changed and could be best addressed by training programmes, backed by performance monitoring. We do not want to repeat the cases of the Guildford Four and the Birmingham Six, but there are other cases outstanding that need to be tackled in the near future. I name Frank Johnson as one such case in which we must secure the release of an innocent person.

Change will not be effected unless structures are established to co-ordinate implementation. For that reason, I urge my hon. Friend the Minister to consider the establishment of a cross-departmental ministerial group to take forward a programme of policies aimed at addressing the needs of the Irish community and, alongside that, to set up a consultative forum between Irish community organisations and the Government.

I also recommend that close liaison takes place with the Irish Government, especially on issues such as mobility between Britain and Ireland and enabling housing transfer and exchange for many who may wish to return home on retirement or simply to be nearer their family. Such dialogue has commenced, but it may need resourcing to ensure its effectiveness.

Parliamentarians can also play a part in progress chasing the implementation of the Government's policy and overall programme, and in voicing the concerns and aspirations of the Irish community. To facilitate this role, I intend to seek support for the formation of an all-party parliamentary group devoted to representing the interests of the Irish community in Britain and to serving as a channel for the Irish community to voice its concerns to Parliament.

The Irish have made their contribution to British society over centuries. They have—literally—physically constructed Britain' s infrastructure. They have served in every walk of life, but have made a special contribution to our health and education services.

The Irish have made eloquent contributions to our artistic and cultural lives—ranging from Oscar Wilde, Bernard Shaw and James Joyce to the brilliance of today's poets and writers, such as Seamus Heaney, Edna O'Brien and Ronan Bennett. In theatre, film and dance, we have recently been inspired by an Irish renaissance.

In politics, Irish leaders such as Bronterre O'Brien and Fergus O'Connor were the foundation stones of the modern Labour and trade union movement. I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Hull, North (Mr. McNamara), my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for International Development and others in the Chamber today who, at some personal cost, have faithfully represented the interests of the Irish in Britain over the years.

In return for the contribution that the Irish have made to this country, the Irish community at least deserves the right to live free from discrimination and in equality and respect. As a Labour Government, we must dedicate ourselves to securing this basic human right and to that end I pledge my support. I urge the Government to implement the recommendations of the CRE report, to establish structures for consultation and dialogue and to go forward to eliminate anti-Irish discrimination as a scourge within our community.

12.45 pm
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department (Mr. George Howarth)

I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington (Mr. McDonnell) on securing this important debate on the Irish in Britain. My hon. Friend the Member for Wigan (Mr. Stott) is in the Chamber, and he and most of us in the north-west know of the considerable historical links between our constituencies and constituents and Ireland. Clearly, that has an impact on our feelings when we come to the subject.

We have heard about some of the problems that the Irish can encounter in this country. I will speak about those in a few moments. I would like to begin where my hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington ended—by paying tribute to the successes of the Irish in Britain. The Government fully recognise the contribution that people of Irish origin have made to British society. Over the centuries, they have become an integral and essential part of our national life, and their achievements are visible in many walks of life.

Only last week, we read of the BMRB/Irish Post survey—to which my hon. Friend referred—which confirmed the successes of many Irish people in our society. It overturned some traditional stereotypes and painted a different, up-to-date picture of skilled, well-educated people coming to Britain to add their expertise to the economy. It suggested that one fifth of people born in Britain have a family member from Ireland, either directly or through marriage. A book detailing the 150 most successful Irish people in Britain was also recently launched. Clearly, the Irish influence in Britain is flourishing—something which I personally welcome.

My hon. Friend talked about the concerns of the Irish community, and the record of achievement and integration should not blind us to the problems that he raised. The Government are not complacent. While the very many successes are gratifying, they are no excuse for not paying attention to other real concerns.

The debate follows a report produced by the Commission for Racial Equality in June last year, entitled "Discrimination and the Irish". My hon. Friend dealt with that in some detail. When the report was launched, my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary took the opportunity to congratulate the CRE on its efforts to raise awareness of the position of the Irish in Britain, and to welcome the research.

The report concluded that there was a lack of acknowledgement of Irish needs and rights, and that discrimination and disadvantage existed. A list of recommendations for action was produced, and my hon. Friend referred to many of those recommendations. The Government recognise that these problems exist and have taken them seriously across Whitehall.

Improving community relations and equality of opportunity is high on the Government's agenda. We are committed to tackling the problems of racism and discrimination—to creating a society in which everyone, regardless of background, colour or creed, has equal rights, responsibilities and opportunities. This is a policy of inclusion, not exclusion. We take seriously the concerns of every section of our society.

It should be re-emphasised today that Irish people already receive protection under current legislation. The Race Relations Act 1976 covers discrimination against anyone on grounds of colour, race, nationality or ethnic or national origins. The Act makes racial discrimination generally unlawful in the areas of employment and education, and in the provision of goods, facilities and services.

The Act has been an important tool in combating discrimination. It is now over 20 years since it was introduced, yet racial discrimination and hostility still exist. We intend to ensure that the legislation in this area is adequate to protect ethnic minorities and that it keeps pace with changes in our society. A number of organisations, principally the CRE, have put proposals to us for amending the Act; we are now looking carefully at those proposals. We need to ensure that all sections of the community can live their lives free from discrimination.

Measures to tackle racial violence and harassment are also contained in the Crime and Disorder Bill. We do not underestimate the harmful effect that such crime has on the victim, and the wider damage it can do to the trust and confidence that have built up between our communities. The creation of specific offences will send out a strong message that racial violence and harassment is unacceptable.

The Irish community will reap the benefits of a renewed emphasis on equality of opportunity across the board. We recognise that it has particular concerns—Ministers across Government have met representatives of the community to hear those concerns at first hand. The Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, my hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire (Mr. O'Brien), has discussed the concerns with the Irish ambassador and with representatives from a wide range of Irish organisations.

The Federation of Irish Societies has met Ministers and officials at the Department of the Environment, Transport and the Regions and officials at the Office of National Statistics. The Department of Health is meeting Irish voluntary organisations to establish how it can support them in developing work on the health of Irish communities.

My hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington mentioned benefits. One of the initiatives that has been taken is that the Benefits Agency has held Irish-awareness programmes in targeted offices. We hope that the difficulties to which he referred will be dealt with at that level.

My hon. Friend also expressed concern about housing. My hon. Friend the Minister for Local Government and Housing has met a delegation of the Federation of Irish Societies to discuss its concerns. The Housing Corporation has set up a black and minority ethnic advisory group and although the Irish are not listed in the group's title, their concerns are included—indeed, the chief executive of the Irish Innisfree housing association is a member of the group. I am pleased to say that its work is under way. My hon. Friend the Minister for Local Government and Housing has asked the Housing Corporation to draw up a revised black and minority ethnic strategy, which will shortly be published for consultation.

Mr. Kevin McNamara (Hull, North)

What my hon. Friend the Minister says is important, but we do not have the bare, raw statistics. Can he say whether the next census will include a specific Irish category? That is the key to progress, which will otherwise be haphazard, valuable and welcome though it is.

Mr. Howarth

My hon. Friend raises an important issue, which I shall deal with in a moment.

My right hon. Friend the Home Secretary intends to create a new race relations forum, which will be at the very heart of Government. In keeping with the Government's practices, it will include new voices and provide new solutions. Individual membership has yet to be decided, but I can confirm that it will include a member from the Irish community.

The forum will be part of the overall development of a community relations strategy that has been instigated by the Home Secretary and is being developed by the Under-Secretary of State, my hon. Friend the Member for North Warwickshire. We are determined to take those responsibilities seriously.

My hon. Friends the Members for Hayes and Harlington and for Hull, North (Mr. McNamara) both mentioned ethnic monitoring. I do not have time to talk in detail about all the issues that the CRE report highlighted, but I shall deal with the census and statistics. Ethnic monitoring and a separate Irish category in the 2001 census is a major concern of the report. We are aware of that concern from our meetings with representative groups.

The Registrars-General for England and Wales, for Scotland and for Northern Ireland are responsible for consulting census users in Government Departments, local and health authorities, academia and the private sector about their requirements for information from the next census of population and housing, which is planned to take place in 2001. The objective is to reach agreement on the questions that will be included in the census. Users have expressed strong support for the inclusion of a question about ethnicity, and for statistics that are, as far as possible, comparable to those produced from the 1991 census. A number of users support the inclusion of a separate Irish category.

The census offices are conducting an extensive programme of testing possible questions for the 2001 census, including ethnic questions incorporating an Irish category. They will shortly draw together the results of that programme, and assess customer requirements in preparation for finalising the questions that will be included. The Government's proposals for the 2001 census will be published in a White Paper in the autumn.

In making the final selection of questions, the Government will consider not only the strength of users' needs for information, but the acceptability of questions to the general public and the burdens placed on them in filling in the questionnaire. It is important that we consult people in local government, in health, in housing and in the private sector to assess the value of those questions. Part of the concern is that we are able to measure the success of policies that are targeted to deal with the inequalities highlighted in the report.

It is also important that we are as inclusive as possible. The proposal for the inclusion of an Irish representative on the forum takes into account the concerns expressed by my hon. Friends the Members for Hayes and Harlington and for Hull, North, which I entirely appreciate.

Mr. McNamara

One of the most important strands of the current three-strand talks is the one dealing with the east-west relationship between Westminster and Dublin. Can my hon. Friend give any indication of the state of relations between the two Governments over the important question of the fate of Irish immigrants to Britain and of British people residing in the island of Ireland? After meetings between the two Prime Ministers, statements about intergovernmental relations have been printed at the margins, but has the Home Office been involved in such discussions?

Mr. Howarth

It is important to be careful and measured in any response to the detail of the points that my hon. Friend raises, but I shall consider whether it would be appropriate to put into writing the particulars of some of the discussions. More positively, in the difficult negotiations on initiatives in Northern Ireland, there has been a strong understanding between the two Governments on how the process should be taken forward—relationships between the Governments are good.

Rev. Martin Smyth (Belfast, South)

The debate has focused on the Irish in Britain, but it has encompassed the question of the census. Will the census refer to the Irish in Scotland? Will the question on ethnicity extend to Northern Ireland, or will it apply only in Britain?

Mr. Howarth

The hon. Gentleman raises a wider issue, which is not in the compass of this debate, although it would fall within our consideration of ethnic monitoring in the census. As I understand the matter, however, we are specifically dealing with people whose origin lies in the Republic of Ireland. The hon. Gentleman raises an interesting side issue, which may be considered in the consultations on the 2001 census.

Mr. McDonnell

In the discussions that have taken place so far, the question of ethnic status has covered everyone from the island of Ireland—it does not distinguish between people from the Six Counties and people from the Republic.

Mr. Howarth

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that clarification.

The debate has done a great deal to remind us all of what has been achieved and what remains to be done. We will continue to consider carefully the concerns raised in the CRE report and elsewhere, and we will ensure that the Irish community has full access to the rights and opportunities that we will create for all our citizens.

This has been a useful debate and, as my hon. Friend the Member for Hayes and Harlington said, it was probably overdue. It certainly gives us all in Government much food for thought. There are still issues to be resolved, but we are engaging with those issues, and I hope that, in due course, improvements can be made.