§ Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—[Mr. Boscawen.]
11.30 pm§ Mr. Cyril D. Townsend (Bexleyheath)I welcome this early opportunity in the new Parliament to draw the attention of the House to Cyprus, in a week when the President of Cyprus and his Foreign Minister, Mr. Rolandis, are in London for important talks with our Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary.
I raised the Cyprus tragedy in an Adjournment debate in August 1975, a few months after first entering the House, and again in December 1981. The passing years have brought little joy and all too much suffering and misfortune to that remarkably beautiful Mediterranean island, well known to so many British people.
My purpose today is not to cheer on one side or the other but to cheer on the people of Cyprus in their determined struggle for a just, honourable and lasting settlement and our newly re-elected Government in their attempts to facilitate such a settlement.
Britain's ties with Cyprus go back to 1879. Cyprus is a fellow member of the Commonwealth and of the Council of Europe. There are more Cypriots in London tonight than in Nicosia.
Britain is one of the three guarantor powers. The last governor of Cyprus, Lord Caradon, whom I guarded for a short time at Government House, said in the other place:
We see that lovely island now cut in two, when we the British undertook—I do not forget that I signed the treaty myself on behalf of Her Majesty's Government—that the island would never be divided. We have failed to live up to a clear responsibility and, month by month, year by year, we see discussions going on and leading nowhere. We have a responsibility; we gave our undertaking, and we have utterly failed to carry it out."—[Official Report, House of Lords, 23 June 1983; Vol. 443, c. 66.]I agree with those words. I agree that my country has failed in its special moral commitment. I agree that we have left undone those things that ought to have been done, particularly following the coup of 15 July 1974.We should not, in this brief debate, give ourselves to recriminations and repetitions of actions with which we are only too familiar. It is sufficient to recall that, following the arrival of Nicos Sampson as President of Cyprus, Turkey invaded Cyprus and that some 40 per cent. of the total territory of the republic of Cyprus still remains under Turkish military occupation.
The area occupied happened to contain 60 per cent. of the agricultural land, 90 per cent. of the tourist accommodation, 83 per cent. of the cargo-handling capacity and 55 per cent. of the mines. Yet in 1974 Turkish Cypriots represented only 18 per cent. of the population.
In the international community's view, the occupation is the first and most obvious barrier to a free and independent Cyprus. The plight of the refugees is well known to hon. Members. The 200,000 Greek Cypriot refugees, including 50,000 children, represent 40 per cent. of the Greek Cypriot population. The Government and people in Cyprus did a wonderful job in looking after such numbers.
On my most recent visit to Cyprus last September, as vice chairman of Friends of Cyprus, I spoke to many refugees. They reminded me that they are still prevented by force from returning to their homes, businesses and 1305 farms. Many elderly refugees fear that they will never see their villages again, although they were born and brought up there.
§ Mr. Jim Spicer (Dorset, West)My hon. Friend has mentioned the regime which is abhorrent to all hon. Members. What steps should have been taken to remove the leader, and did the British Government at the time, as the guarantor power, take the necessary steps? If they did not, what should have been done other than by way of the Turkish intervention which, in my view, was inevitable?
§ Mr. TownsendI must resist my hon. Friend's invitation. I should like to go into the issue in detail later. The question of the so-called missing people has not been cleared up. The wives, lovers, mothers and fathers of the missing soldiers have a right to know whether they are alive or officially dead.
In its resolution dated 8 December 1982, the third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly stressed the need for
a speedy resolution of this humanitarian problem.That resolution was supported by all members of the European Community except Britain, which abstained. The European Parliament also passed a resolution on the subject on 11 January 1983. The Turkish authorities have been settling farming families from Anatolia and former Turkish soldiers in the north. Altering the demographic structure of Cyprus in this way must be condemned without reservation by the Secretary of State.What action have the Government taken to try to get the Turkish authorities to scale down their occupying forces which are still about 20,000 strong? I learnt tonight that they have been deploying the newest American tanks in a NATO role in the north of Cyprus.
All British Governments have appreciated the Turkish contribution. NATO is crucial, but it has led to a tendency in the Foreign Office to play down Britain's obligations to Cyprus and to take a step back. I think that Turkey will remain in the alliance for many years, but it will remain only as long as it is in its defence interests to do so. To secure NATO's south-eastern flank it is necessary to have a settlement in Cyprus. Sometimes Conservative Ministers overlook that basic fact.
We all put our faith in inter-communal talks. The Secretary-General's special representative, Hugo Gobbi, started by expressing satisfaction about the good atmosphere. Discussions began on reaching agreement on a resettlement under United Nations auspices and on practical measures by both sides to promote good will and confidence. Accompanied by the hon. Member for Oldham, Central and Royton (Mr. Lamond) in talks with political leaders on both sides of the green line, I found general agreement that a revived federal constitution is required. Fixing the size of the northern region would be formidable but not impossible. I stress that the Turkish community must be given security. It has a right to it. As with the Palestinian question, security is the key.
I regret that it is now obvious that no further progress can be expected in the inter-communal talks as there is no real dialogue between north and south. All of my hon. Friends will wish the Secretary-General well in the new initiative that he has undertaken. We know that he has first hand practical experience of Cyprus.
1306 My right hon. and hon. Friends want to hear from the Minister what Britain will do in the future to meet her obligations as a guarantor power. We recognise that a settlement cannot be imposed, but propositions which neither side would have proposed but which both sides can accept can be put forward. We recognise that the weight of world opinion must be brought to bear. We recognise also that the President of the United States will have to put his great country's reputation behind the thrust for a settlement. My conviction over the years has been that the European Community has a key role to play in the eastern Mediterranean.
What happens if the Secretary-General's missions fail? I would welcome the dispatch in due course of three statesmen of world repute to Cyprus to meet both sides and to put forward, in private, proposals for bringing the two communities together. My hon. Friend the Member for Hornsey and Wood Green (Sir H. Rossi), whom I am pleased to see here, has suggested that a High Court judge who specialises in constitutional affairs should be lent to Cyprus.
Let us hear from the Minister how we might best discharge the commitment that we rightly undertook—under a Conservative Government. That is what many lovers of Cyprus at home and abroad are looking for in tomorrow's Hansard and press reports. It is unthinkable that we should do nothing. That would be quite unworthy of a Government of this calibre. It would also be quite unworthy of the British people who do not intend to allow a Commonwealth country to fall by the wayside.
Friends of Cyprus has been organising meetings of professional Greek and Turkish Cypriots, but there is a danger that, as the years go by, the two communities will grow apart. As an independent organisation, Friends of Cyprus is well qualified to call such meetings. The Government, the diplomats and the agencies also have a role to play. How will that role be played in the next few years? Has not the time come for the new Foreign Secretary to make a personal visit to Cyprus to acquaint himself with the places, politics and personalities? I hope that Baroness Young who has specific responsibility for Cyprus, will make a visit beforehand. I understand that her predecessor never made an official visit. Indeed, since 1979, Foreign Office Ministers have noticeably avoided visiting Cyprus and four different Ministers have been responsible for Cyprus in four years. Not one of them has been in the job long enough to become an expert.
No doubt the Foreign Office will deny that there has been a scaling down of interest in Cyprus. Why, then, has Cyprus been left out of Gracious Speeches since May 1979, although it was included in those of 1975 and 1976? This year, Gibraltar and Hong Kong were mentioned, but not Cyprus. Last year, Iran-Iraq was mentioned—a war in which we have no responsibility and all too little influence—but there was no mention of Cyprus.
Once again, Mr. Denktash has threatened UDI. That would be fatal. What are the Government doing to persuade him to think along more constructive and positive lines? Is it true that our able high commissioner, Mr. Wilberforce, and the United States ambassador in Cyprus recently called on Mr. Denktash to try to persuade him against such a proposal?
Will the Government keep up the pressure on the Turkish authorities to settle quickly once and for all outstanding claims by British citizens whose property was taken over by the Turkish forces? I hope that my hon. 1307 Friend will take this opportunity to explain to the House why the United Kingdom abstained on resolution 253 at the General Assembly a few weeks ago, while countries such as Australia, France, Greece, Ireland and New Zealand supported it. Sir John Thomson told the assembly:
There are certain elements in it which we support.Perhaps we could learn tonight which elements we could not support. The resolution demanded the immediate and effective implementation of resolution 3212, which was supported initially by 117 nations, including Greece, Turkey and Cyprus.One issue that I raised in 1981—students' fees—has been satisfactorily advanced. Following an excellent report by the Overseas Students Trust, Cyprus was one of three countries to be offered exceptional treatment. The sum of £1 million a year was allocated for each of the next three years to assist students from Cyprus. This was welcomed, although some of us wished the Government to go further and to offer Cypriot students something much closer to home student status. I urge the Government to continue to support the education of students from both parts of Cyprus, where there is no university.
A mountainous island of 3,572 square miles is far too small to be permanently divided. In economic, industrial and agricultural terms, Cyprus must be regarded as one unit. Following the re-election of President Kyprianou, whom I had the pleasure of meeting this evening, and the United Nations debate, this is a so-called period of opportunity which must not be missed if we are to prevent increased tension both on the island and between Greece and Turkey.
Having closely followed the Cyprus issue for many years, and having met the leading politicians on both sides of the dispute last year in Cyprus, I am convinced that the vast majority of Cypriots want a permanent settlement that will guarantee their security and prosperity. The evidence of the past 100 years is that Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots, although very different in character and temperament, share a love of Cyprus and can live and work peacefully together. The interests of Greece and especially Turkey in the island's future mean that Cypriots cannot resolve the problems on their own. The international community must deal with the international aspects of the problem.
I call upon the Government to give a lead to the international community, and to strain every sinew in the search for a magnanimous and lasting settlement. Let us have courage, offer hope, and bring peace to a troubled Cyprus.
§ The Under-Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs (Mr. Ray Whitney)As my hon. Friend the Member for Bexleyheath (Mr. Townsend) rightly said, he has closely followed the affairs of Cyprus for many years. During that time, and in the process, he has earned a good reputation as a friend of the people of Cyprus, a reputation that he certainly enhanced by his remarks this evening. I congratulate him on his good fortune in securing this debate, and thank him for the opportunity that it gives to the House to explore this difficult matter. The interest that has been shown by Conservative Members and the many views that exist, suggest that we must continue to examine the matter positively in the House and in any other forum that is available to us.
1308 I am happy to agree with my hon. Friend's comment that this is not the time, and it would not be profitable, to enter into recriminations about the past. It is important to understand the issue, and to know the facts that have led to the present problems and the depth of bitterness in the two communities. It is also important not to become ensnared in a consideration of the past. We must take careful account of those problems and the present difficulties, but, as my hon. Friend said, we must build for the future.
§ Mr. Jim SpicerI could not agree more that we should not look to the past, but will my hon. Friend confirm one fact? Did not the Turkish intervention in 1974 come after extreme provocation and after the Turkish Foreign Minister had come here and asked the Government, as a guarantor power, to intervene, as they had a right to do? He begged us to act. It was only after the Government had refused to intervene in a way that they had a right to do that the Turkish intervention took place.
§ Mr. SpicerI agree.
Mr. WhitleyRecriminations and post mortems about the past will not carry us much further forward. It is important to consider just the events of the past year and those since the time of the last Adjournment debate of my hon. Friend the Member for Bexleyheath in December 1981. That was timely, as it came just after the Secretary General of the United Nations, Dr. Waldheim, had launched his own evaluation. Over the following year or so, the communities discussed that evaluation through the intercommunal talks held under the auspices of the United Nations under the chairmanship of the United Nations representative, Dr. Gobbi, in Nicosia.
As my noble Friend Lord Belstead said in another place on 20 April, it could not be claimed that there was dramatic progress during that period, but it is important to recognise that that discussion was the most thorough analysis of a future Cyprus constitution that has ever been undertaken by the two communities since Cyprus became independent and the original 1960 arrangement broke down. This should have provided—we believe still can provide—an excellent basis on which to build for the future.
Sadly, since the beginning of this year, there have been few meetings of the two communities through the intercommunal talks. No talking has inevitably meant very little progress. We greatly regret that, not least because the atmosphere at the intercommunal talks was good, and discussions had been proceeding well, particularly after a decision taken just over a year ago to speed up the frequency of the talks. They were adjourned in the first place for the Cyprus presidential elections. That was unavoidable, as it had always been the practice of the two communities to adjourn the talks at such times.
After only a few more meetings, the talks were adjourned once again for the United Nations debate on Cyprus in May, and although it is now well over two months since that debate ended, the talks have not yet been resumed.
My hon. Friend has asked on more than one occasion about Britain's abstention in the United Nations vote on 2 May. Let me first make it clear that the British 1309 Government believe fundamentally that the United Nations' efforts are central to any possible solution of the Cyprus problem. That is an essential principle of our approach. Another principle, as my noble Friend Lord Belstead also said, is that all the parties at the United Nations should ask whether their actions would bring a Cyprus settlement any nearer or whether they would push it further away. That is an absolutely vital criterion, and I assure the House that we shall always judge our own actions against that criterion.
The British Government decided to instruct our permanent representative at the United Nations to abstain on the United Nations vote precisely because we did not believe that the resolution, as it was tabled, would help to bring a solution to the Cyprus problem any nearer. While there were elements in the resolution which were positive, it was also felt by the Government that there were a number of elements in it which were unhelpful and which prevented us from voting for it as a whole.
I suggest to my hon. Friend that what cannot be denied is that the immediate consequence of the United Nations resolution has been that the intercommunal talks, which were scheduled to resume on 31 May, have not yet done so. Rather than argue about who is responsible for the present state of affairs, we should, as I think my hon. Friend is prepared to agree, look forward to seeing how we can deal with it.
Just as we are concerned at the failure to resume the intercommunal talks, we are also concerned at the talk that there has recently been in northern Cyprus of the possible declaration of an independent Turkish-Cypriot state. Once again, I do not think that it is particularly fruitful to argue about why that state of affairs has come to be discussed. Her Majesty's Government have been following the developments in northern Cyprus with the greatest of care.
Our latest information is that a Bill enabling the holding of a referendum in northern Cyprus has been tabled in the Turkish-Cypriot Assembly, but that Assembly has now gone into recess until October. Therefore, we hope that the immediate prospect of a declaration of independence, or a referendum about it, has receded. We believe that such a declaration would ruin the prospects for intercommunal talks.
Sadly, it seems likely to be true that when we think of a way forward we must take account of the fact that every year that passes may make it much more difficult to achieve a settlement. Most of us would agree on that. The great danger at the moment in Cyprus is that we shall bring about a fossilisation of the present situation. There is, indeed, a real risk of complacency. For the moment, thank goodness, there is no intercommunal violence. In the past 1310 nine years there has been only one fatal intercommunal casualty. But we have to ask ourselves, as we are tonight, whether that can continue. My hon. Friend is right to make us consider that question.
There is the underlying problem, which gets worse as two new generations grow up on either side of the green line who do not know each other. As the years pass, there is virtually no contact between the two sides.
Cyprus is in a vicious circle which we must break. In view of the time, obviously I cannot deal now with a number of the points that my hon. Friend the Member for Bexleyheath has raised. I assure him that we support the United Nations Secretary-General to the hilt. That support is unwavering. We stand ready to do anything that he might consider helpful.
As we all know, the Secretary-General, Mr Perez de Cuellar, is deeply experienced in the Cyprus issue and has been specially commissioned, as part of the resolution, to become involved in the search for a solution to the Cyprus problem. His international stature and his great detailed personal knowledge, and the influence of his great office, will, we believe, give him the best chance that exists to find a solution. At the same time, we remain in constant touch with interested Governments. President Kyprianou is at the moment in London. He has had talks with my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister, and with my right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs. He will also be meeting my noble Friend Baroness Young. I had the privilege tonight of greeting the Turkish Foreign Minister, who has arrived in London, and we shall make points to him similar to those that we made to the Turkish Cypriot community about flexibility and imagination on both sides.
I shall study carefully the points made both by my hon. Friend the Member for Bexleyheath and by other hon. Friends who have intervened, and shall consider whether other points can be developed by the British Government. At the moment it is crucial that we continue to support the United Nations initiative, and a separate initiative at this juncture by the British Government would not serve any useful purpose. The important thing is to throw our weight behind the United Nations' initiative. It is also important that the maximum flexibility, imagination and political courage should be shown by the two communities in Cyprus and by their leaders. I hope that all my hon. Friends who know Cyprus so well, and so much better than I do at the moment, will use their influence with the communities to ensure that those flexible attitudes are reflected and are brought to bear on the intercommunal talks
Question put and agreed to.
Adjourned accordingly at one minute to Twelve midnight.