§ Mr. Bowen Wells (Hertford and Stortford)I find myself in the familiar position of trying to compress a 30-minute speech into five minutes, but I shall do my best.
My main concern in introducing this subject for debate is that I believe that there is a profound problem with Britain's foreign policy in the Caribbean. The British Government think—they have said so in the paper in reply to the report of the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs—that they regard the Caribbean as an important area and one in which they are putting a great deal of aid and assistance, and they can demonstrate that that is so.
By contrast, each of the countries that the Select Committee visited only about 18 months ago declared that Britain was not doing enough, was disengaging from the area and did not care enough about what was happening in the Caribbean — that, in short, Britain was withdrawing. I fear that there is a consistency in Britain's foreign policy in this area which unfortunately I do not welcome. It is a consistency that led Her Majesty's Government into the mistakes that they made over the question of Grenada after the revolution and the killing of Prime Minister Bishop. There does not seem to be a close enough realisation by the British Government of the feelings, ideas, ambitions and problems of those in the Caribbean.
The British Government are not reacting to those aspirations and problems. Indeed, the only person who reacted prompty to the Select Committee's concern was Her Majesty the Queen, who, on receipt of the knowledge that Jamaica felt itself isolated from the Head of the Commonwealth, paid a visit to that country within a short time. I am afraid that the reaction of the British Government was not so prompt or effective.
I am concerned because the British position in the Caribbean is not only regarded by every Caribbean Government with whom I have been in contact as deteriorating and most unsatisfactory but reveals a failure on the diplomatic front. Along with that diplomatic failure there has been a commercial failure, plus a failure on our part to support our ally, the United States, whose backyard this is. We have a special knowledge of the Commonwealth Caribbean and therefore we have an important part to play in helping the Americans to ensure that this area does not lapse into offensive Administrations who do not support the United States or, indeed, are antagonistic to it. We shall fail if we do not make certain to the best of our ability that such an offensive regime does not arise.
There is, therefore, a feeling that the reply to the Select Committee's report indicates that Britain is self-satisfied with what it is doing and that no real changes are needed. Yet we had the speech of Prime Minister Adams at the Royal Commonwealth Society in which he said that the Grenada crisis and Britain's failure to react in support of democratic countries in the Commonwealth Caribbean represented a watershed in relationships between the British Caribbean and Britain, that the United States was taking over in the vacuum left by Britain and that Britain was sinking in the west with the sunset.
I do not want to go into the whole issue—as I had hoped to do — of the conditions that we found in revolutionary Grenada, the fear and human rights 245 problems, with people being locked up in prison for many years without trial, and the fact that we do not seem to have appreciated the way in which that country was becoming a military base, with young people being indoctrinated and trained militarily and the presence of a movement towards establishing an outright Communist state.
We had a British representative in that island, but when we visited it, he had not met any of the Ministers of the People's Revolutionary Government during the 18 months he had been there. He was replaced, but what sort of information was being sent back by his successor, in view of the attitude of the British Government when the crisis occurred?
I come to the post-revolutionary situation, bearing in mind that my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has said that she wishes to do everything in her power to assist the return of a democratically elected Government in Grenada. We appear to be carrying on in the same self-satisfied way; waiting for initiatives to be taken by others; waiting for the Americans to do the job that we should be doing; waiting for some initiatives to come from a Government in Grenada who are hardly established and who need major assistance in administrative terms, even to the extent of writing letters requesting the assistance that they need.
What are the Government doing about Plessey's contract at the airport? Do we intend to support Plessey over that contract? What are we doing about regenerating the water supply? This morning I received a reply from my right hon. Friend the Minister for Overseas Development, telling me what is to be done with the £750,000. I am grateful for his reply, and in particular for the information about the support of the electricity supply, which was British-supplied and British-engineered. If we wait for the Americans to take action, there will be American equipment and American supplies on the island.
We must do something to support the economy of Grenada, not just with reference to power supplies, roads, water, the airport and the hospitals—all of which could provide orders for our country — but also in the marketing of bananas, nutmeg and cocoa and the regeneration of those industries.
I have received a Christmas card from one of my very good friends in Grenada. What she wrote on it shows why I am concerned about the British Government's lack of reaction to the situation there. She says:
We all here (official estimate of at least 90% of the population) are so pleased & relieved that the U.S. troops are here—having rescued us just in time from having our dear Grenada turned into a communist state when I and thousands of others were to have been 'eliminated' and our properties seized —so many of us feel & say after God is Reagan. God bless him! We wish they would never go!
§ Mr. Nigel Spearing (Newham, South)The importance of this debate is in inverse proportion to the time available, and I hope that the usual channels, the Government or perhaps a private Member will give us another opportunity at some stage to debate this important matter.
I heartily associate myself with the hon. Member for Hertford and Stortford (Mr. Wells) in his view of the Government's response. With him, I visited Grenada in March 1982. Our report—HC 47, Session 1981–82— and the Government's reply—Cmnd. 8819—show how little concerned the Government have been to take 246 initiatives in this area. Despite the events of the past few weeks in the Caribbean, it appears that the Government are not changing their policy—a policy of low profile and doing, apparently, as little as possible.
As a result of the American activity in Grenada—whether we regard it as invasion or liberation—there has been a split in the British Caribbean between those who supported that action and those who criticised it. There is therefore a new situation in there. When the United Kingdom does little, it does little in rew and dangerous circumstances — circumstances where we ought to try to heal, although that will leave scars.
The Government seem to have done little since the invasion to respond positively. Somebody who returned from Grenada recently has said that the Grenaclians understand that Britain is not the economic power that it once was, and that we have our own economic difficulties. But apparently we have not even sent them a second-hand Leyland lorry.
We must show much more concern for that island than we have shown in the past. When the House gave Grenada independence in 1971 or 1972, it did so with questionable moral authority. It now has an opportunity to show greater concern for the people of that island, who deserve better of the House and the United Kingdom.
§ The Minister for Overseas Development (Mr. Timothy Raison)My hon. Friend the Member for Hertford and Stortford (Mr. Wells) and the hon. Member for Newham, South (Mr. Spearing) have both said that the Government have not done enough for the Caribbean and for Grenada in particular. They spoke of a lack of understanding and of reaction and said that they were awaiting initiatives, which were not forthcoming.
The Government have repeatedly stressed the importance to the United Kingdom of the Caribbean region. We appreciate our links with it. Our policy towards the region was stated clearly to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee in November 1982 and reiterated in March 1983. It is to maintain and promote good relations with those countries, and to help them to the best of our ability to develop economically and maintain a peaceful environment. That is exactly what we have been doing.
Nothing that has happened in the region, either before or subsequent to recent events in Grenada, has led us to believe that our policy needs to be recast. I shall not talk about the depth of our links or the contacts that we all have. My fellow Ministers and I visit the Caribbean frequently. We see many representatives from there as they come to London. I believe that, although there have been difficulties about the size of our diplomatic establishment, we receive good service and are well informed about what goes on there. We have the greatest interest in that part of the world.
For many years, we have been a major bilateral aid donor to the Commonwealth Caribbean. The Government are fully aware that many countries in the region have for some time been suffering economic difficulties. The present level of direct British assistance is about £25 million per year. In relation to the size of their populations and their per capita income levels, that is a substantial contribution. Other multilateral and bilateral organisations contribute also. We are emphatically playing our part. That applies to the Caribbean's relationship to the Lomé convention, which is of great importance and which is 247 being renegotiated. We have made it clear that we will continue to do all that we can for the Caribbean region — banana producers and others — during the negotiations.
I believe that our record has been good. Recent events in Grenada have highlighted a wide problem — the vulnerability of some small states to extremism and domination by small groups of evil and determined men. That was recognised first in the House and then by the recent Commonwealth conference. A number of eastern Caribbean states have already set up a regional security system and we have helped in that.
We have further helped in Barbados and St. Vincent with the provision of a coastguard service. For many years we have given important help with policing in the Caribbean. I recently visited the regional police training college in Barbados. It is of great importance and I am sure that the experience generated there will be of value in Grenada.
The Interim Advisory Council established by the Governor-General's proclamation on 15 November now has a firm grip. Mr. Braithwaite, who is its chairman, confirmed in an important radio interview that it had assumed the role of an interim Government and that the Governor-General will now revert to his position as titular Head of State.
I must stress that we are helping. Financial arrangements are being made by the Interim Advisory Council. The distinguished president of the Caribbean Development Bank is to act as economic consultant. A new police commissioner and deputy have already assumed duties. A new superintendent of prisons has been appointed. Other important decisions are being made.
Grenada will need assistance, and we have made clear our readiness to respond sympathetically to requests from the interim Administration. As the House is aware, I announced on 28 November that we would provide £750,000 on grant terms to help immediate needs, mainly in police training, advice and equipment, and economic and social infrastructure.
It has already been agreed that Mr. Brian Graves will take up a one-year appointment as police adviser. The building up of the Grenadian police force is obviously an essential task, and Mr. Graves will play an important part in it. The advisory council has now agreed on a package of projects drawn up after advice from our British development division in the Caribbean, and again I stress that the development division has very close contact with Grenada and a very full understanding of the needs there. It will be important for law and order to be maintained in the period of the run-up to the elections which will take place in due course.
I think it is a remarkable feat that the Americans have been able to withdraw their combat forces before Christmas. We understand that active discussions are in train about setting up a Caribbean peacekeeping force along the lines of—
§ It being Nine o'clock on Tuesday morning, the motion for the Adjournment of the House lapsed, without Question put.