§ Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—[Mr. Brooke.]
2.30 pm§ Mr. Tom Arnold (Hazel Grove)I am grateful for the opportunity to address the House on Great Britain's obligations and responsibilities under article 73 of the United Nations charter. I should like to take the opportunity to thank my right hon. Friends the Foreign Secretary and the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury for sending me to New York this year as parliamentary delegate to the United Nations General Assembly. It was a unique experience and one that I greatly enjoyed. I should like also to thank Sir John Thomson, the permanent representative, and his staff for looking after me so well and for encouraging me to play a full part in the life of the mission.
I want to raise the topic again today to give a general airing to some of the deliberations which took place in New York and to point out that, contrary to what is sometimes said in this country, there is no need for the United Kingdom to be on the defensive when it comes to putting forward Great Britain's case in the United Nations in terms of how we choose to look after the affairs of our remaining dependent territories.
The United Kingdom has a proud and, I believe, honourable record in that matter, and it is one that I urge the Government to point out to foreign Governments on all possible occasions, particularly Governments of the non-aligned majority. The fact that we do not always get our way in the United Nations should not come as any surprise, given that it is a body embracing 157 sovereign States.
I am impressed by the assiduous way in which our team of diplomats in New York, frequently helped by additional staff from London, puts forward comprehensive and complicated cases to an audience who may not always understand at first what is being argued. However, by assiduous preparation and a deep understanding of the rules of procedure, the message is put across. It is worth noting that when I was born, shortly after the war, about 43 dependent territories were administered by the United Kingdom. Now there are nine. Those countries embrace the Falkland Islands, St. Helena, Pitcairn Island, with a population of about 50, Bermuda, four Caribbean countries, the British Virgin Islands, the Cayman Islands, Montserrat, the Turks and Caicos Islands and Gibraltar. For reasons of history, as the Chinese would say, Hong Kong is not included. It is a creditable achievement and one of which we can be proud.
I believe that underlines in an important way the manner in which the United Kingdom has consistently over the years carried out its obligations and duties under the United Nations charter. We need to put that across to other countries, particularly the non-aligned, which sometimes have difficulty in respecting the fact that, in terms of treaty obligations and our pursuit of the goals of the charter, we, too, have vital interests which need to be protected under the guise and auspices of the United Nations.
Indeed, right at the beginning of the charter, chapter I—"purposes and principles"—article 1, paragraph 2, enjoins all members: 645
To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace".There have been a number of declarations over the years at the United Nations underlining this formula. The important point, it seems to me, is that the United Kingdom, and in particular Her Majesty's Government, should make it absolutely clear that we shall not force any territory into constitutional advancement against its will, although we remain committed to the principle of bringing dependent territories to independence whenever that is their desire.The most comprehensive guide to the responsibilities of administering power is in chapter XI, articles 73 and 74. It is article 73 in particular to which I wish to address myself this afternoon, because that sets out what the administering power has undertaken to do.
Perhaps I could take the House through the article briefly. First and foremost, the article enjoins the powers who have responsibilities for the administration of territories whose people have not yet attained a full measure of self-government to recognise the principle that the interests of the inhabitants of those territories are paramount and to accept as a sacred trust the obligation to promote to the utmost the well-being of the inhabitants of those territories. I believe that when we look at the record we shall see that that is precisely what the United Kingdom has always done.
Looking a little further into the article, subparagraph (a) enjoins us
to ensure, with due respect for the culture of the peoples concerned, their political, economic, social, and educational advancement, their just treatment, and their protection against abuses".We have always recognised that each territory has to be dealt with on its own terms and that it has its own problems, preoccupations and ideas about how it should proceed in the world. We have always taken the view that it is for us to protect those countries against abuses whenever and wherever they have arisen. This, I believe, we have always carried out according to the charter.Secondly, we are asked
to develop self-government, to take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples, and to assist them in the progressive development of their free political institutions, according to the particular circumstances of each territory and its peoples and their varying stages of advancement".Again, one has only to look at the remaining dependent territories of the United Kingdom, including the Falkland Islands and Gibraltar, to see that vital democratic processes have been established and are at work. We can take new satisfaction in seeing the way in which these processes are carried forward. So, there again, there is nothing for us to be defensive about or of which to be ashamed. On the contrary, we have an honourable story to tell, and it is one of which we can be proud.We are enjoined in subparagraph (c)
to further international peace and security".It is clear that if other countries are not prepared to respect the principles of the charter, difficulties will arise. That has been our major preoccupation during the course of the year in terms of the horrendous invasion of the Falkland Islands and the consequences. It is interesting in that respect to see the way in which, in the early stages, the United Nations played a great part in mobilising international support and opinion for the actions of our 646 Government in seeking to regain the Falkland Islands, which had been the subject of aggressive invasion and disruption of the peace and security of the inhabitants.The principles of international law demand that we continue to take seriously our obligations under this part of article 73. I know that the Government have every intention of abiding by that principle.
In subparagraph (d) we are enjoined
to promote constructive measures of development, to encourage research, and to co-operate with one another and, when and where appropriate, with specialised international bodies with a view to the practical achievement of the social, economic, and scientific purposes set forth in this Article".Again, the United Kingdom has encouraged dependent territories to participate in regional organisations and to enjoy the benefits thereof. There has never been any question of the United Kingdom seeking in any way to interfere with whatever measures of co-operation the territories concerned wished to engage in.Finally, under (e), we are asked
to transmit regularly to the Secretary-General for information purposes, subject to such limitation as security and constitutional considerations may require, statistical and other information of a technical nature relating to economic, social and educational conditions in the territories for which they are respectively responsible".The Government have acquitted themselves consistently of their obligations in this regard, and I hope that they will continue to do so.In other words, the United Kingdom has a long and honourable record, in terms of United Nations policy and practice, of bringing dependent territories to independence, of taking full account of the charter in so doing, and of taking our obligations seriously. It really will not do for individual members of the non-aligned majority to maintain that they alone have a definition of what constitutes unacceptable practice in the modern world, and that they alone are in a position to come up with a definition of colonialism which puts Britain in the dock on every conceivable occasion. On the contrary, they should have a close look at the wording of the articles of the United Nations. After all, the United Nations is an organisation to which they all belong and which they all profess to take seriously. We regard ourselves as duty-bound to point out their duty to them, not least because we are the founding fathers, that one cannot bend the rules of the organisation to suit individuals because of domestic, political requirements and considerations of domestic rhetoric, if I may put it that way. On the contrary, we take our obligations seriously.
It is in that spirit that I have chosen to address the House this afternoon, and to point out to hon. Members on both sides that we have a good story to tell. There is no need for us to be defensive. Our position is understood more often than may sometimes be realised. I am deeply obliged to you, Mr. Deputy Speaker, for this opportunity, and I note that my hon. Friend the Member for Cambridge (Mr. Rhodes James) may wish to catch your eye to further the argument.
§ Mr. Robert Rhodes James (Cambridge)I intervene briefly to express my gratitude to my hon. Friend the Member for Hazel Grove (Mr. Arnold), first, for the opportunity to discuss briefly the work of the United Nations. I also express my gratitude to him for the admirable way in which he represented this country at the General Assembly. When I was at the General Assembly 647 in November, during the passage of the resolution on Argentina, I was impressed by the reputation that my hon. Friend had already achieved, as I was by the extraordinary and perhaps unrecognised achievement of Sir John Thomson on the Argentina resolution.
I am glad that my hon. Friend reminded the House that the United Nations is a human and fallible organisation. It is a political organisation. It is one in which this country has a formidable and strong reputation. It is an organisation in which I worked for four years, and in which I believe, while recognising clearly, as does my hon. Friend, its limitations and fallibilities.
I intervene in this debate because article 73 and the reference to the "paramount" considerations of the citizens, and the background to the events of April to July, have a particular relevance. I want to emphasise that it was under resolution 502 of the Security Council that this country rightly took a view on the invasion of the Falklands, which was supported by the overwhelming majority of our people and by our friends throughout the world. None the less, I believe that the time will come when it will be possible for us to begin to talk again to those elements in Argentina who are responsible and civilised and who regret as deeply and bitterly as we do the events earlier this year. That time has not arrived and it will not arrive while the Administration there argues that the war has not ended.
The United Nations operates in the belief that reason can prevail and that decent people can negotiate and discuss, and prevent war. We were one of the founding fathers of that organisation. We have a great reputation and record of achievement, particularly in this area. I hope that it will be clearly understood that when the shadows are dispersed we may be able to talk again for the creation of peace, prosperity and establishment in the South Atlantic, having by our record justified our reputation as a country of resolution and as a country which has given freedom to more people in the world than any other former imperial power.
§ The Minister of State, Foreign and Commonwealth Office (Mr. Cranley Onslow)As my hon. Friend the Member for Cambridge (Mr. Rhodes James) has said, my hon. Friend the Member for Hazel Grove (Mr. Arnold) has done us a service in drawing attention to an important article of the United Nations charter and the obligations that it lays upon the United Kingdom as a country which retains responsibility for administering a number of dependent territories. We do not have as many as we once did, but we still have responsibilities.
My hon. Friend the Member for Hazel Grove drew attention to the various features of article 73 and, in particular, to the importance of the interests of the peoples of the territories in question. The article requires administering powers to transmit regularly to the Secretary General of the United Nations information about the economic, social and educational conditions in the territories for which they are responsible.
The British Government base the administration of dependent territories squarely on the relevant provisions of the United Nations charter. The obligations laid upon us by article 73 are among the chief of these. I couple with 648 that article the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, which is to be found in paragraph 2 of article 1.
The British Government and British Parliament, rather than the United Nations, are responsible for taking decisions about British dependent territories. From time to time, we have had to dissociate ourselves from views expressed by the United Nations. For instance, we had to resist the suggestion that independence is the only permissible end of constitutional evolution, whatever the size or situation of a particular territory. We were unable to support resolution 1514—the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples—which was adopted by the General Assembly in 1960 with its emphasis on instant independence for all. On that, as on other occasions, the United Nations can be fallible.
We have co-operated fully with the United Nations in its consideration of territories for the administration of which we have responsibilities. For some years the reports that we have rendered under article 73(c) of the charter have been considered by the special committee on the implementation of the declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. The committee is more commonly known as the committee of 24.
We are no longer a member of that committee, but we co-operate fully with it in its consideration of our remaining dependent territories. Our officials have appeared before it to answer questions. We have welcomed visiting missions appointed by the committee to acquire first-hand knowledge of dependent territories. We believe that it is advantageous to the peoples of the territories that the United Nations should possess an accurate and informed view of conditions. The reports by the committee of 24 to the General Assembly generally have been balanced and objective.
Like my hon. Friend the Member for Hazel Grove, I believe that Britain has reason to be proud of the way in which successive Governments have carried out their responsibilities towards territories under our administration in the years since the United Nations was created.
We have no need to be defensive about our record. We can remember with pride that about one-third of the member States of the United Nations have reached independence and membership of the world body as a result of the way in which we have discharged our obligations under the United Nations charter. The Commonwealth is a living testimony to the good results that have come from that.
It is worth recording that many Commonwealth countries are now active within the non-aligned movement. I am sure that they understand and appreciate the value of the British contribution on the path to their independence, whatever some other members of the nonaligned movement may think. The Commonwealth countries certainly understand, and we shall continue to exercise our responsibilities to our remaining dependencies in that same spirit. We shall assist them in developing their institutions at the pace, and in the direction, that they think right in the light of their particular conditions.
My hon. Friend the Member for Hazel Grove mentioned the impact that our delegation to the United Nations General Assembly was able to make in the run-up to the vote on the Falkland Islands on 4 November by drawing attention to the fact that our responsibilities to the 649 people of the islands represent a sacred trust—the words of article 73—laid upon us by the charter of the organisation. Like my hon. Friend the Member for Cambridge, I pay tribute to the valuable part that my hon. Friend played, as a member of the delegation for some weeks, in helping to bring home to other delegations the reality of the situation in the Falkland Islands and the character of the obligations that we are under towards the islanders. I am glad that he was there, although I claim no credit for sending him.
In an important statement to the fourth committee of the General Assembly on behalf of the United Kingdom delegation, my hon. Friend the Member for Hazel Grove spelt out the requirements of article 73 and drew attention to our record and to our determination to continue to carry out our responsibilities. I take this opportunity to pay tribute to the members of the Falkland Islands Legislative Council, Mr. Cheek and Mr. Blake, whose appearances before the committee of 24 in August, and before the fourth committee of the General Assembly at the beginning of November, clearly made a considerable impression on the minds of uncommitted delegates and brought home to many the fact that the debate concerned a people who were entitled to the benefit and protection of the principles spelt out in the United Nations charter.
The House will agree that it was satisfactory that, after hearing the islands' councillors, the committee of 24—despite the support of several of its members for the Argentine position—simply decided to transmit the record of its discussions to the General Assembly, without attempting to pass judgment on the merits of the dispute. We are entitled to take satisfaction from the result of the 650 debate in the General Assembly, which ended on 4 November, despite the misleading impression given by first reports in some of the media.
The result demonstrated the impact that we had made with our arguments that the people of the islands were entitled to exercise the right of self-determination and that we had obligations towards them under article 73 of the charter which other members of the organisation should honour. It may not be generally known that the draft resolution had, in its original form, contained language far more favourable to Argentina, which was deleted from the version put to the vote under the pressure of opinion from delegations from many parts of the world.
Given its origin as an Argentine proposal, the draft still of course failed to reflect the principle of self-determination or to refer to the wishes of the islanders or to the obligations of the administering power under article 73. Those omissions will have been a major factor, influencing many of our friends in Europe, the Commonwealth and elsewhere to refrain from supporting the much diluted version that was voted on, despite the natural tendency of delegations at the United Nations to vote in favour of "negotiations", whatever the circumstances.
My hon. Friend the Member for Hazel Grove is right to urge that we should continue to lay emphasis on the relevance of key principles and articles of the United Nations charter to our administration of our dependent territories and on the continuity of British policy based on the charter. I can assure the House that we shall be glad to do so.
§ Question put and agreed to.
§ Adjourned accordingly at six minutes to Three o'clock.