HC Deb 03 June 1980 vol 985 cc1257-64 3.57 pm
Mr. Bob Cryer (Keighley)

I beg to move, That leave be given to bring in a Bill to provide for local voting on the siting of nuclear power stations, the conduct of that vote, the allocation of press space and television time during the campaign; and for connected purposes. Nuclear power provides 12 per cent. of electricity generated in the United Kingdom, part of the CEGB's 28 per cent. total generating capacity above the forecast of future winter demand. Nuclear power comes from a variety of nuclear power stations, all of which have the common characteristics of widespread technical difficulties and delay in being brought into operation. All Magnox reactors have been downrated and the AGRs have suffered immense delays in being brought into use—Dungeness B 10 years late, Hartlepool eight years late, Heysham A six years late.

Two further power stations of the AGR pattern have been approved and three are close to becoming operational. It seems sensible, therefore, to consolidate our position and improve our existing techniques and safety and evaluate the existing nuclear stations rather than to embark, as the Government propose, on a further programme from 1982 onwards of 10 pressurised water reactors of the same family as the Three Mile Island type in America. It is especially disturbing that the type of reactor favoured is the one in which the GEC has a commercial interest. If that type is chosen, it will give that company an enormous commercial advantage.

It is especially absurd for the United Kingdom to embark on such a programme when we are rich in coal reserves, with at least 300 years' supply, and oil reserves which will make us self-sufficient for at least 20 years.

However, it is also true that fuel is finite. The proposition is put that only nuclear energy can help us to provide the necessary amount of energy resource that we need, but Professor Joseph Rotblat, writing in The Guardian on Thursday 29 May, with a comprehensive estimate of the calculations ascribed to nuclear energy, took a different view. He said: Straightforward calculations can show that we have been misled about the potential of nuclear power and that in reality it can make only a small contribution to the world's energy needs over the next 50 years. The article was a learned and comprehensive exposition of that point of view. If Professor Rotblat is right, by embarking on further new sites we are possibly endangering present and future generations for no possible purpose. My proposed Bill would enable these arguments and those of the proponents to be deployed in a referendum across an area about 30 miles in diameter, and provision would be made for the Home Secretary to accept representations for a larger area to be involved in the referendum.

In my view, referenda should apply only to unusual and special circumstances. Going nuclear in such a massive way is certainly unusual and constitutes special circumstances that demand special consideration. The immediate effect of leaks of radioactivity in the air or on the ground, as at Windscale, is in the area adjacent to the power station. In the Windscale leak, there was a precautionary ban on the consumption of milk within a radius of several miles of the power station. It is in the area in proximity to the nuclear power station sites that there would be the greatest loss of civil liberties due to the movement of nuclear fuel and spent material in the area.

Legislation already gives wide powers to special police supervising the movement of radioactive materials to carry and use firearms. To emphasise further the special nature of the position of people living in the area of a proposed PWR, the notes prepared by the Department of Energy for the Library contains the following comments: The possibility of a serious accident involving a release of radioactivity capable of affecting the nearby population is considered extremely remote. Nevertheless, it is prudent to have measures for the protection of the local community ready against such an eventuality. The operators of nuclear installations are therefore required by the conditions of the nuclear site licences to make preparations for dealing with emergencies. Emergency arrangements are set out in a site emergency plan which each licensed operator is required to submit to the Health and Safety Executive. The plan covers: (a) on site organisation and arrangements; (b) off site arrangements in an emergency, for example, the evacuation of the neighbouring population, and the monitoring of radioactive levels, and (c) arrangements with outside bodies, such as local authorities, emergency services and Government departments. The local emergency services would be able to call on such national bodies as the National Radiological Protection Board and the Health and Safety Executive for help and advice. It is clear that there is in people's minds the possibility of a very real and serious emergency affecting the local population surrounding the site of a nuclear power station. That is made clear by the comments of the Department of Energy. It is interesting that so much responsibility lies on the shoulders of the Health and Safety Executive, which currently has 17 vacancies out of a total staff of 104 at the end of a recruitment drive prompted by shortage of inspectors which led in 1979 to the lowest average number of inspectors per nuclear installation for seven years. At the same time, the Health and Safety Executive faces cuts as part of the public expenditure cuts imposed by the Government.

All these disturbing factors could be made clear during the referendum campaign, which, under the Bill, would last no more than a month. A scheme would be produced by the Home Secretary to provide for fair coverage in newspapers and on television. Newspapers would be controlled in much the same way as television is controlled during a general election campaign in their use of referendum material. This would help to stop the bias and distortion that occurs in the press during a general election campaign familiar to all hon. Members.

A fair allocation of space for each side would prevent any advertising pressure producing bias. Advertising itself in support of a particular view would be curtailed by limitations on expenditure that the scheme would place on the campaigning organisations registered under the scheme. Expenditure outside the registered organisations would be illegal for the period of the campaign.

It may be argued that planning procedures can take care of the views of a locality without the need for a referendum, but planning inquiries are in variably weighted in favour of the Establishment. The Government have enormous financial facilities as do the various nuclear organisations such as the CEGB and the Nuclear Power Corporation. They can afford to employ specialist lawyers and specialists to present the case. Ordinary citizens in the locality have to raise their own money and obviously have difficulty in doing so. Ordinary people feel that inquiries tend to be weighted in favour of the decision made by the Government or the planning body making the application. The referendum would give them a direct and clear voice. Although such referenda are advisory to Parliament, it would be impossible, in practice, for Parliament to ignore the views of the people so expressed.

The Government have expressed the view that for the establishment of trade union closed shops there should be a vote of 80 per cent. in favour among those eligible to vote. I do not share the Government's view of the importance of trade union closed shops, nor do I endorse their determined attack on them. I take the view, however, that nuclear power stations represent a real and continuing potential danger to present and future generations under the wrong combination of circumstances.

Because of the great importance of the issue, I have decided that the voting pattern must demonstrate overwhelming support that a new nuclear power station is desirable. The criterion would be that adopted in the Employment Bill promoted by the Government—that is to say, 80 per cent. of those eligible to vote must vote in favour of a nuclear power station site for it to be approved. People would thus have an opportunity fairly to argue the merits of the case. If the arguments for a new PWR station are overwhelming, the vote would follow. If people have reservations, if they are wary of experts such as those who assured local authorities about Ronan Point-type flats or those who assured the people living near Three Mile Island, and if they do not want to risk radioactive leaks, contamination, genetic damage to themselves, their children and their neighbours, they should have an opportunity, in the absence of conviction to the contrary, to vote " No ". My proposed Bill would give them that opportunity.

4.7 pm

Mr. Robert Maclennan (Caithness and Sutherland)

I rise to oppose the Bill. I recognise that the custom of the Ten-Minute Bill is to give hon. Members an opportunity of raising an issue that they consider to be important. Frequently, they do so in the expectation that their legislation will not progress very far. That is not universally the case. Having successfully piloted a Ten-Minute Bill through all its stages to the statue book, I take the view that one should regard an occasion of this kind not as a mere propaganda occasion but rather as the initiating of legislation. It is, therefore, right that the House should refuse to give permission to what I venture to describe as a somewhat mischievious attempt to put forward a view about the nuclear industry that perpetuates popular misconceptions and does nothing to enlarge the understanding of the British people of the great issues at stake in providing for our power needs in an age when fossil fuels are no longer available.

I also oppose the Bill on the ground that a local referendum of the kind advocated by my hon. Friend is a profoundly undemocratic procedure, which in any event would prove unworkable and create considerable anomalies. The fanciful notion that the people who happen to live within 30 miles of a power plant are the only people who would necessarily be affected by it, or should be given a right to pronounce whether or not the plant is to be located there, is one that, on reflection, I believe the House would not wish to support.

The proposition gives further support to the idea that popular local agitation should be encouraged to lead to decisions that may have national importance being overridden. That is in line with the policy that was espoused in Scotland

Division No. 331] AYES (4.12 p.m.
Allaun, Frank Flannery, Martin Marshall, Jim (Leicester South)
Alton, David Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) Meacher, Michael
Benn, Rt Hon Anthony Wedgwood Foot, Rt Hon Michael Mikardo, Ian
Bennett, Andrew (Stockport N) Ford, Ben Mitchell, Austin (Grimsby)
Booth, m Hon Albert Foster, Derek Morris, Rt Hon Alfred (Wythenshawe)
Brown, Hugh D. (Provan) Freeson, Rt Hon Reginald Morris, Rt Hon Charles (Openshaw)
Brown, Ron (Edinburgh, Leith) Freud, Clement O'Halloran, Michael
Callaghan, Jim (Middleton & P) Garrett, John (Norwich 8) O'Neill, Martin
Carmichael, Neil Graham, Ted Parry, Robert
Carter-Jones, Lewis Grant, George (Morpeth) Penhallgon, David
Coleman, Donald Haynes, Frank Price, Chrstopher (Lewisham West)
Cook, Robin F. Homewood, William Race, Reg
Crowther, J. S. Hooley, Frank Richardson, Jo
Davies, Rt Hon Denzll (Lianeill) Hughes, Roy (Newport) Roberta, Allan (Bootle)
Davis, Terry (B'rm'ham, Stechford) Johnson, Walter (Derby South) Roberts, Ernest (Hackney North)
Deakins, Eric Kerr, Russell Roberta, Gwilym (Cannock)
Dean, Joseph (Leads West) Lestor, Miss Joan (Eton & Slough) Robinson, Geoffrey (Coventry NW)
Dixon, Donald Litherland, Robert Rooker, J. W.
Dubs, Alfred Lofthouse, Geoffrey Ross, Ernest (Dundee West)
Eastham, Ken McDonald, Dr Oonagh Sheerman, Barry
English, Michael McKay, Allen (Penistone) Sheldon, Rt Hon Robert (A'ton-u-L)
Ennals, Rt Hon David McKelvey, William Skinner, Dennis
Evans, loan (Aberdare) McNamara, Kevin Stallard, A. W.

last week by the Scottish National Party, which proclaimed at its conference in Rothesay that a campaign of civil disobedience should be initiated against the decision of successive Governments to locate a nuclear power station at Torness.

Calls for civil disobedience are, in any language, calls for breaches of the law. I do not believe that breaches of the law should be advocated by any democrat. Equally, I believe that those of us who believe in parliamentary democracy take the view that Parliament is the right place to make decisions of this kind and that Governments must be accountable for these major decisions in this place. Those decisions should not run the risk of veto as a result of agitation in a particular local community.

Local community interests are well protected by the planning laws that this House has passed. Where wider considerations are involved, it is open to Governments to set up inquiries that are analogous to that which was held in the case of Windscale, allowing full considerations of local and national interest to be properly canvassed at great length, and giving local people a full opportunity to express their views on these issues.

My hon. Friend's suggestion is nonsense, and I hope that it will be resoundingly rejected by the House.

Question put, pursuant to Standing Order No. 13 (Motions for leave to bring in Bills and nomination of Select Committees at commencement of public business):—

The House divided: Ayes 75, Noes 188.

Stewart, Rt Hon Donald (W Isles) Wilson, William (Coventry SE) TELLERS FOR THE AYES
Welsh, Michael Winnick, David Mr. Dennis Canavan and
Wilson, Gordon (Dundee East) Thomas, Dr Roger (Carmarthen) Mr. Bob Crver
NOES
Adley, Robert Grist, Ian Pege, Rt Hon Sir R. Graham
Altken, Jonathan Gummer, John Selwyn Page, Richard (SW Hertfordshire)
Alexander, Richard Hamilton, Hon Archie (Eps'm&Ew'll) Parkinson, Cecil
Amery, Rt Hon Julian Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) Parrls, Matthew
Arnold, Tom Harrison, Rt Hon Walter Patten, Christopher (Bath)
Aspinwall, Jack Haselhurst, Alan Patton, John (Oxford)
Baker, Nicholas (North Dorset) Heddle, John Percival, Sir Ian
Bell, Sir Ronald Hicks, Robert Pink, R. Bonner
Benyon, W. (Buckingham) Higgins, Rt Hon Terence L. Powell, Rt Hon J. Enoch (S Down)
Berry, Hon Anthony Hill, James Prentice, Rt Hon Reg
Best, Keith Holland, Philip (Carlton) Price, David (Eastleigh)
Bevan, David Gilroy Howell, Ralph (North Norfolk) Proctor, K. Harvey
Biggs-Davison, John Howells, Geraint Rhodes James, Robert
Blackburn, John Irving, Charles (Cheltenham) Rhys Williams, Sir Brandon
Blaker, Peter Janner, Hon Greville Ridsdale, Julian
Boscawen, Hon Robert Jenkin, Rt Hon Patrick Rifkind, Malcolm
Bottomley, Peter (Woolwich West) Johnson Smith, Geoffrey Roberts, Michael (Cardiff NW)
Boyson, Dr Rhodes Johnston, Russell (Inverness) Robertson, George
Brinton, Tim Jopling, Rt Hon Michael Robinson, Peter (Belfast East)
Brocklebank-Fowler, Christopher Kellett-Bowman, Mrs Elaine Sainsbury, Hon Timothy
Brooke, Hon Peter Kershaw, Anthony Scott, Nicholas
Brotherton, Michael Kilroy-Silk, Robert Shaw, Michael (Scarborough)
Brown, Michael (Brigg & Sc'thorpe) Kitson, Sir Timothy Shelton, William (Streatham)
Browne, John (Winchester) Lambie, David Shepherd, Colin (Hereford)
Bryan, Sir Paul Lamont, Norman Shepherd, Richard (Aldridge-Br'hills)
Budgen, Nick Lang, Ian Shersby, Michael
Bulmer, Esmond Lawson, Nigel Sims, Roger
Cadbury, Jocelyn Lee, John Skeet, T. H. H.
Carlisle, John (Luton West) Le Marchant, Spencer Speller, Tony
Carlisle, Kenneth (Lincoln) Lennox-Boyd, Hon Mark Spence, John
Chalker, Mrs Lynda Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) Spicer, Michael (S Worcestershire)
Channon, Paul Lloyd, Pater (Fareham) Squire, Robin
Clark, Dr David (South Shields) Loveridge, John Stanbrook, Ivor
Cockeram, Eric Luce, Richard Steel, Rt Hon David
Cocks, Rt Hon Michael (Bristol S) McCrindle, Robert Stewart, Ian (Hitchin)
Cope, John Macfarlane, Neil Stewart, John (East Renfrewshire)
Corrle, John MacGregor, John Stradling Thomas, J.
Costain, A. P. MacKay, John (Argyll) Taylor, Teddy (Southend East)
Dickens, Geoffrey MacKenzle, Rt Hon Gregor Temple-Morris, Peter
Dormand, Jack McNair-Wilson, Patrick (New Forest) Thomas, Rt Hon Peter (Hendon S)
Douglas-Hamilton, Lord James McQuarrie, Albert Thompson, Donald
Duffy, A. E. P. Major, John Thorne, Neil (llford South)
Eden, Rt Hon Sir John Marlow, Tony Thornton, Malcolm
Elliott, Sir William Marshall, Michael (Arundel) Townend, John (Bridlington)
Evans, John (Newton) Mates, Michael Trippier, David
Fairgrieve, Russell Mather, Carol Viggers, Peter
Faith, Mrs Sheila Mawby, Ray Waddington, David
Fell, Anthony Mawhinney, Dr Brian Wakeham, John
Fenner, Mrs Peggy Mellor, David Walker, BilI (Perth & E Perthshire)
Finsberg, Geoffrey Miller, Hal (Bromsgrove & Redditch) Walker-Smith, Rt Hon Sir Derek
Fisher, Sir Nigel Mills, lain (Menden) Wall, Patrick
Fitch, Alan Mitchell, David (Basingstoke) Walters, Dennis
Fookes, Miss Janet Moiyneaux, James Ward, John
Fox, Marcus Moore, John Warren, Kenneth
Fraser, Rt Hon H. (Stafford & St) Morgan, Geraint Wheeler, John
Gardiner, George (Relgate) Morris, Michael (Northampton, Sth) White, Frank R. (Bury & Radcliffe)
Garel-Jones, Tristan Morrison, Hon Peter (City of Chester) Wickenden, Keith
Glyn, Dr Alan Morton, George Wiggin, Jerry
Goodhew, Victor Mudd, David Winterton, Nicholas
Goodlad, Alastair Murphy, Christopher Wolfson, Mark
Gorst, John Myles, David
Gow, Ian Needham, Richard TELLERS FOR THE NOES:
Gray, Hamish Neubert, Michael Mr. Robert Maclennan and
Griffiths, Eldon (Bury St Edmunds) Newton, Tony Mr D. N. Campbell-Savour

Question accordingly negatived.