HC Deb 30 April 1980 vol 983 cc1439-53
Mr. John Grant

I beg to move amendment No. 83, in page 12, line 8 leave out ' five ' and insert ' three '.

The essence of clause 11, although by no means its only objectionable aspect, is the creation of a two-tier system. In dealing with this matter in Committee, I went into considerable detail about the great weight of evidence against the Government's case. I do not want to repeat that this evening. However, I ought to mention some of the bodies which have criticised the Government in respect of this clause, because they are many and varied. They include the Equal Opportunities Commission, the Royal College of Nursing, the National Council for Civil Liberties, the Low Pay Unit, the Conservative trade unionists, the Equal Pay and Opportunities Campaign and the Institute of Personnel Management.

Perhaps I can refer to what the latter body said, because the Institute took the view: It is potentially the most damaging of all the proposed amendments to existing maternity rights and deserves the strongest opposition ". Of course, the Department of Employment had the benefit of the results of the Opinion Research Centre survey, which has already been referred to in our debates. I think the findings indicated that there should be no change. The evidence from various employers' associations on the effects of employment legislation produced precisely nothing to indicate that the maternity provisions were damaging to recruitment, employment or to the conduct of their businesses.

The Association of Independent Businesses, the Forum of Independent Businesses, the National Federation of Self-Employed and Small Businesses all carried out surveys of one kind or another, or submitted documents of one kind or another, which had no real criticism based on actual evidence of the harmful effect of the maternity provisions. Of course, a survey by the Small Businesses Bureau supported the Government's view, but I think that even the hon. and learned Gentleman accepts that that asked somewhat leading questions. Of course, we know that that is an organisation which is closely linked to Conservative Central Office.

Therefore, there has been no independent view that these provisions should be changed in the way in which the Government propose. There has been no worthwhile evidence at all to support the exemption of small firms or the other changes which are envisaged. Far from encouraging employers to take on more women, as the Equal Opportunities Commission has pointed out, I think that women of childbearing age may be much more reluctant to work for small firms. Thus, the employers' range of potential employees will be reduced.

Quite apart from the two-tier aspect, this clause is riddled with a number of unsatisfactory phrases, and they are important phrases. There are the terms " suitable " alternative employment, " not substantially less favourable " and " not reasonably practicable ", all of which would cause problems of interpretation for industrial tribunals making judgments and would very probably lead to inconsistencies in their decisions. Indeed, I think it would be very difficult for tribunals to reach consistent decisions on the basis of the legislation as it will stand if the Bill goes through unamended.

The Equal Opportunities Commission said this of the Bill: The changes in maternity rights put forward in the Bill erode the principle that the maternity rights package was intended to protect women from disadvantage in employment when they took time off to bear children. This principle has been breached by allowing employers to offer women returning to work jobs which could be less favourable than their original jobs. The Equal Opportunities Commission is very clear about its attitude to these clauses of the Bill, and of course it does include employer representatives as well as trade union representatives, which ought to be borne in mind by the House.

In Committee I referred to a special survey of small businesses carried out by the Conservative-controlled Greater London Council, and subsequently my hon. Friend the Member for Newham, North-East (Mr. Leighton) referred to an updated version of that survey when we pursued our debates on this on the Floor of the House. Again, there was no evidence at all in that survey that any of the small firms were really bothered at all about maternity rights.

I have said that the two-tier argument is the essence of this clause, and of course it is. The Government's consultative document conceded that a two-tier system was undesirable—that is what it actually said—yet this clause creates this special category of firms with five or fewer employees which have this special exemption. The employer has only to show that it was " not reasonably practicable " to offer the same job back or to offer one " not substantially less favourable ".

We on the Opposition side of the House want the whole clause to go but, recognising that there is scant chance of the Government budging in that respect, we are trying by amendment No. 83 to minimise the damage as much as possible.

As the Government have moved since the publication of the consultative document from the figure of 20 or fewer down to the current figure of five or fewer employees, we are now seeking to reduce the figure still further, to three. I accept at once that that is an arbitrary figure, but so is the Government's figure. They have never at any stage, so far as I am aware, sought to justify the figure of five, and the reason is, of course, that they know full well that no such distinction should be drawn at all.

I have referred to the small firms exemption, but the rest of the clause is equally objectionable, and it all hangs together. In particular, there is the part about reinstatement, which talks about the offer of " suitable " and " appropriate " alternative work. The conditions here are very loose and ill-defined, and I think they will worry any woman leaving work to have a baby and hoping to go back to her job. They would create very considerable insecurity. At least if our amendment were accepted fewer women would be disadvantaged in that way.

There is also the word " substantially ", which, again, will offer opportunities for endless wrangling between the employer and the employee, and ultimately cause difficulties for the tribunals. The Government keep telling us that they do not want to create uncertainty, yet in this Bill they have gone on creating more and more uncertainty, clause by clause. They are hiding behind the tribunals and saying " Leave it to them ". The hon. and learned Gentleman made that his theme for much of the Committee stage of the Bill. " Leave it to the tribunals, which are experienced in these matters," he said. In practice what the Government are doing—albeit the experience of the tribunals is considerable and we have great faith in them—is making the tribunals' job very much more difficult.

We do not know what all this would mean in terms of job opportunities. Again, the hon. and learned Gentleman has come back to that tonight and given it as the reason for the changes. But there has been no real research on that and no attempt, as far as I am aware, to estimate the effects on job opportunities. I would have expected there to be some such research if the Government were seriously trying to make out a case instead of just groping along. Nor, until tonight, have we had any estimate from the Government of how many women would be adversely affected. I am a little surprised by the figure of 5,000 which the hon. and learned Gentleman gave, although perhaps we are not making quite the same comparisons. I did remind the Standing Committee that when the present Government, then in opposition, were proposing to exclude from the requirements of the Employment Protection Act 1975 employers with fewer than four employees the Department of Employment advised Ministers—and I am indebted for this information to my right hon. Friend the Member for Doncaster (Mr. Walker)—as follows: The right is an individual one and it would be wrong to deprive an employee of these rights just because she happens to work for someone who has very few employees. To apply such an exclusion could deprive a large number of women, perhaps as many as half a million, of those rights. That was the advice which the Department of Employment gave to Ministers in the previous Government.

That figure of half a million was based on the exclusion figure being four, so I would have thought it must now be more because the figure the Government have picked on is five. We know also that both the percentage of women at work in terms of the total work force and the actual number of women at work have increased, and I would have thought it would not be unreasonable to talk about three quarters of a million women at least being adversely affected—or potentially so; perhaps that is the difference between the figure the hon. and learned Gentleman gave and what I am trying to establish, which is the number of women potentially adversely affected as a consequence of these two clauses of the Bill.

I wonder what advice the Minister has had from his officials this time, whether officials have changed their tune and, if so, why. It seems rather unlikely. I would have thought it much more likely that the advice the officials have given has been disregarded. I would not pretend that an employer will never experience difficulty when an employee takes maternity leave. It would be silly to suggest that. But the Government have, as always in this Bill, chosen an arbitrary figure. I think it is fair to ask whether an employer with five workers who has one absentee on maternity leave will be more disadvantaged than an employer with 10 employees who has two of them on maternity leave, which is a quite possible situation. So it is an arbitrary figure, and the fact is that employers have overcome these difficulties, in so far as they are difficulties, in the past and can continue to do so. But I think they are minimal difficulties and have been unfairly and indeed grossly exaggerated by the Government in trying to make their case. They should not be going along this road of a two-tier system at all. We are talking here about individual rights and they really cannot be denied simply to suit the convenience of a particular employer at a particular time.

In Committee the Under-Secretary claimed, in connection with this clause: wide support for what we propose in the Bill". [Official Report, Standing Committee A, 13 March, 1980; c. 1234.] He gave a very full response to the debate, which I read very carefully subsequently in the Official Report and in that response he did not offer a jot or tittle of evidence for that particular phrase claiming support. I think that if ever the Government have scraped the barrel to justify legislative change they have certainly done so on clause 11.

I have spoken of a two-tier system but I think we can really talk about three tiers. First, there are women with reinstatement rights who will be aware of those rights and will use them whether or not they intend to return to work. They will use the situation to safeguard their position, and this will create uncertainty, not least for the employer. Secondly, there will be those who simply will not understand the complication and they will be deprived of their rights for that reason, so that effectively they will lose them by default. Thirdly, there will be those in the small firms who will effectively again be without rights at all. I must say this is very strange behaviour for a party which proclaims itself so often as being in favour of the individual. That claim is exposed as being phoney and a sham.

6.30 pm

It is not maternity rights or any other provisions in the Employment Protection Act that are hitting job opportunities or small businesses; it is the policies of the Government and high interest rates. We have seen today the latest CBI survey on industrial confidence. Those, and all the other problems reflected in plummeting business confidence, and the forecasts of startlingly high unemployment, which are made with increasing regularity, are hitting firms, not least small firms, hardest.

The Government are not fussy about the scapegoats they pick. In the Bill it is not just the unions, but, far more important, individual working people. In this clause, the Government have picked on working women. In view of that, it is not unreasonable to suggest that Conservative Members are a hollow and hypocritical bunch and I do not know how they can call themselves freedom fighters.

Mr. Leighton

I find it obnoxious that the Government should legislate for inequality before the law and to create two classes of citizens, one group with one set of rights and another with fewer rights.

The Under-Secretary said that no previous piece of legislation had been canvassed more widely or had been the subject of wider consultations, but my hon. Friend the Member for Islington, Central (Mr. Grant) has given us a long list of organisations, including Conservative trade unionists, who oppose the clause.

I wish to return to the survey, conducted by the Department of Employment, of 301 firms employing fewer than 50 employees. Two-thirds of the sample employed 10 or fewer workers. Only 4 per cent. of that sample had experience of holding a job open for a pregnant woman for 40 weeks and only 2 per cent. had given maternity pay. It is clear that only a miniscule proportion of women claim these rights. No firm had found any difficulties.

The Under-Secretary relied on the fact that 20 per cent. of the firms in the survey thought that holding a job open for 40 weeks could prove troublesome for the future. The hon. and learned Gentleman rested his whole case on that. But surely that finding is based on speculation and not on experience. Not one of the firms with experience of this matter believed that it caused any problem.

Another fact shown by the survey was that only 11 per cent. of those polled knew that there were any maternity provisions. Only when prompted and asked whether holding open a job for 40 weeks might cause problems did they reply " Yes, perhaps it could." That is not really convincing evidence. There is no evidence from small businesses that the maternity provisions are worrying them. What concerns those businesses are interest rates, VAT, lack of orders and so on. They are not concerned about the maternity provisions. It is unworthy for the Government to legislate on such slim evidence.

Mr. Mayhew

Under the present law, a woman who qualifies for the right to return must be given her original job back unless it has disappeared for reasons of redundancy. If she is not given her original job back, she may put in a claim for unfair dismissal.

The clause is intended to tackle the difficulties that employers face in holding open the woman's original job for up to 40 weeks, and the problems that they face on her return. Of course, many employers cope with the problem by taking on temporary replacements who can be readily dismissed on the woman's return, because they will not have served long enough to qualify for unfair dismissal compensation.

As I said in our previous debate, we have to spare some thought for the women who can be dismissed with little warning, no matter how good a job they may be doing. Although the employer is likely to be merely uncertain about the woman's return, much more turns on the matter for her replacement. The main point of the clause is to cater for those situations in which it is not possible to recruit a temporary replacement and when permanent employment has to be offered to the person covering the absentee's job. At present an employer has to choose between facing an unfair dismissal claim from the woman on maternity leave or breaking the undertaking that he has made to her replacement.

The clause sets out to do two things. As for the reference to suitable alternative employment, any employer who finds it not reasonably practicable to take the woman back in her original job can offer an alternative, provided it is suitable.

The hon. Member for Islington, Central (Mr. Grant) expressed anxiety about the wording, but the formula in the clause is taken from the previous Government's 1978 Act, which replaced a provision in the 1975 Act concerning the right to return to work in the case of redundancy. Section 45(4) of the 1978 Act sets out the description of the alternative job that has to be found. I am advised that it has not caused difficulties to tribunals and we believe that it is important that the same formula should be applied in the Bill.

The formula will give employers who have alternative jobs to offer much more flexibility in making their arrangements and, at the same time, keep the employees' links with their old jobs. I emphasise that an employer can take advantage of that flexibility only if he or an associated employer has suitable alternative work to offer.

I turn to the limited exception for very small firms, with which the amendment is concerned. There is only one exception to the general rule. If a firm with five or fewer employees cannot keep open the original job and has no suitable alternative to offer, either in that firm or with an associated employer, it may be exempted altogether from the obligation to reinstate the woman. However, if that is to apply the employer will have to be able to show, first, that it was not reasonably practicable to offer the woman her original job and, secondly, that it was not reasonably practicable to offer a suitable alternative.

It is only right that the small firm that is genuinely in that position should be relieved of the burden of the reinstatement provision. Those who say that our proposal is damaging to the interests of women employees must surely ask themselves what the position would be for a small firm. Its choice would be either to pay perhaps substantial compensation for unfair dismissal, which it might be unable to afford, or to take the woman back in her original job when that was not reasonably practicable.

When dealing with a firm employing only five or fewer employees, which will therefore probably be among the most fragile of firms, compelling it by law to do something that is not reasonably practicable and that would have a significant effect on its operations would create great danger to the future viability of the firm and the viability of the jobs of those whom it employs.

I will not raise again the question whether the Government are justified in

heeding what has been said to them and, in forming their judgment, the question whether, by making the adjustment for very small firms, they will be encouraging the creation and maintenance of jobs in those firms and the creation of new firms. The arguments on that aspect of the clause are the same as the arguments put forward on the previous clause. I heard what the hon. Member for Islington, Central said and he heard what I said. I suspect that neither of us will convince the other by repeating what has been said.

We believe that our proposal will stimulate employment. The figures that I was asked for are based on an assessment of the number of employers with five or fewer employees. About 1 million people are employed in small firms. About 40 per cent. of them—about 400,000—are women. The 1.33 per cent. figure that I gave in the last debate amounts to 5,000. The 500,000 referred to by the hon. Member for Islington, Central is derived from the same assessment that produces the 400,000 figure that I have just given. The 1.33 per cent leads to the 5,000 figure.

Of course, we wish to avoid two classes of employee. As a result of heeding what was pressed upon us strongly, we reduced the application of the special exemption from firms employing 20 people to firms employing five. I agree that five is an arbitrary number. However, it is the number adopted by the last Government in their application of the Sex Discrimination Act. We feel that it is sensible. We stand by that judgment. We believe that three would confine the special exemption too closely. For those reasons, I advise my right hon. and hon. Friends to resist the amendment.

Question put, That the amendment be made:—

The House divided: Ayes 255, Noes 297.

Division No. 273] AYES [6.40 pm
Abse, Leo Barnett, Rt Hon Joel (Heywood) Buchan, Norman
Adams, Allen Beith, A. J. Callaghan, Rt Hon J. (Cardiff SE)
Allaun, Frank Benn, Rt Hon Anthony Wedgwood Callaghan, Jim (Middleton & P)
Anderson, Donald Bennett, Andrew (Stockport N) Campbell, Ian
Archer, Rt Hon Peter Bidwell, Sydney Campbell-Savours, Dale
Armstrong, Rt Hon Ernest Booth, Rt Hon Albert Canavan, Dennis
Ashley, Rt Hon Jack Bottomley, Rt Hon Arthur (M'brough) Cant, R. B.
Ashton, Joe Bray, Dr Jeremy Carter-Jones, Lewis
Atkinson, Norman (H'gey, Tott'ham) Brown, Hugh D. (Provan) Cartwright, John
Bagier, Gordon A. T. Brown, Robert C. (Newcastle W) Clark, Dr David (South Shields)
Barnett, Guy (Greenwich) Brown, Ronald W. (Hackney S) Cocks, Rt Hon Michael (Bristol S)
Cohen, Stanley Hooley, Frank Race, Reg
Concannon, Rt Hon J. D. Horam, John Radice, Giles
Conlan, Bernard Howell, Rt Hon Denis (B'ham, Sm H) Rees, Rt Hon Merlyn (Leeds South)
Cook, Robin F. Howells, Geraint Richardson, Jo
Cowans, Harry Huckfield, Les Roberts, Albert (Normanton)
Craigen, J. M. (Glasgow, Maryhill) Hudson, Davies, Gwilym Ednyfed Roberts, Allan (Bootle)
Crowther, J. S. Hughes, Mark (Durham) Roberts, Ernest (Hackney North)
Cryer, Bob Hughes, Robert (Aberdeen North) Roberts, Gwilym (Cannock)
Cunliffe, Lawrence Hughes, Roy (Newport) Robertson, George
Cunningham, George (Islington S) Janner, Hon Greville Robinson, Geoffrey (Coventry NW)
Cunningham, Dr John (Whitehaven) Jay, Rt Hon Douglas Rodgers, Rt Hon William
Dalyell, Tam John, Brynmor Rooker, J. W.
Davidson, Arthur Johnson, James (Hull West) Ross, Ernest (Dundee West)
Davies, Rt Hon Denzil (Llanelli) Johnson, Walter (Derby South) Ross, Stephen (Isle of Wight)
Davis, Clinton (Hackney Central) Johnston, Russell (Inverness) Rowlands, Ted
Davis, Terry (B'rm'ham, Stechford) Jones, Rt Hon Alec (Rhondda) Ryman, John
Dean, Joseph (Leeds West) Jones, Barry (East Flint) Sandelson, Neville
Dempsey, James Jones, Dan (Burnley) Sever, John
Dewar, Donald Kaufman, Rt Hon Gerald Sheerman, Barry
Dixon, Donald Kerr, Russell Sheldon, Rt Hon Robert (A'ton-u-L)
Dobson, Frank Kilroy-Silk, Robert Shore, Rt Hon Peter (Step and Pop)
Dormand, Jack Kinnock, Neil Short, Mrs Renée
Douglas-Mann, Bruce Lamborn, Harry Silkin, Rt Hon John (Deptford)
Dubs, Alfred Lamond, James Silkin, Rt Hon S. C. (Dulwich)
Duffy, A. E. P. Leighton, Ronald Silverman Julius
Dunn, James A. (Liverpool, Kirkdale) Lestor, Miss Joan (Eton & Slough) Skinner, Dennis
Dunnett, Jack Lewis, Arthur (Newham North West) Smith, Cyril (Rochdale)
Dunwoody, Mrs Gwyneth Lewis, Ron (Carlisle) Smith, Rt Hon J. (North Lanarkshire)
Eadie, Alex Litherland, Robert Snape peter
Eastham, Ken Lofthouse, Geoffrey Soley, Clive
Edwards, Robert (Wolv SE) Lyon, Alexander (York) Spearing, Nigel
Ellis, Raymond (NE Derbyshire) Lyons, Edward (Bradford West) Spriggs, Leslie
Ellis, Tom (Wrexham) Mabon, Rt Hon Dr J. Dickson Stallard, A. W.
English, Michael McCartney, Hugh Steel, Rt Hon David
Ennals, Rt Hon David McDonald, Dr Oonagh Stoddart, David
Evans, loan (Aberdare) McElhone, Frank Stott, Roger
Evans, John (Newton) McGuire, Michael (Ince) Strang, Gavin
Ewing, Harry McKay, Allen (Penistone) Straw, Jack
Faulds, Andrew McKelvey, William Summerskill, Hon Dr Shirley
Field, Frank MacKenzie, Rt Hon Gregor Taylor, Mrs Ann (Bolton West)
Fitch, Alan McNally, Thomas Thomas, Dafydd (Merioneth)
Flannery, Martin McWilliam, John Thomas, Jeffrey (Abertillery)
Fletcher, L. R. (llkeston) Marks, Kenneth Thomas, Mike (Newcastle East)
Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) Marshall, David (Gl'sgow, Shettles'n) Thomas, Dr Roger (Carmarthen)
Foot, Rt Hon Michael Marshall, Dr Edmund (Goole) Thorne, Stan (Preston South)
Ford, Ben Martin, Michael (Gl'gow, Springb'rn) Tilley, John
Forrester, John Mason, Rt Hon Roy Torney, Tom
Foster, Derek Maxton, John Urwin, Rt Hon Tom
Foulkes, George Maynard, Miss Joan Varley, Rt Hon Eric G.
Fraser, John (Lambeth, Norwood) Meacher, Michael Wainwright, Edwin (Dearne Valley)
Freeson, Rt Hon Reginald Mellish, Rt Hon Robert Wainwright, Richard (Colne Valley)
Freud, Clement Mikardo, Ian Walker, Rt Hon Harold (Doncaster)
Garrett, John (Norwich S) Millan, Rt Hon Bruce Watkins, David
Garrett, W. E. (Wallsend) Mitchell, Austin (Grimsby) Weetch, Ken
George, Bruce Mitchell, R. C. (Soton, Itchen) Wellbeloved, James
Gilbert, Rt Hon Dr John Morris, Rt Hon Alfred (Wythenshawe) Welsh, Michael
Ginsburg, David Morris, Rt Hon Charles (Openshaw) White, Frank R. (Bury & Radcliffe)
Gourlay, Harry Morris, Rt Hon John (Aberavon) White, James (Glasgow, Pollack)
Graham, Ted Morton, George Whitlock, William
Grant, George (Morpeth) Movie, Rt Hon Roland Wigley, Dafydd
Grant, John (Islington C) Newens, Stanley Williams, Rt Hon Alan (Swansea W)
Grimond, Rt Hon J. Oakes, Rt Hon Gordon Williams, Sir Thomas (Warrington)
Hamilton, James (Bothwell) Ogden, Eric Wilson, Gordon (Dundee East)
Hamilton, W. W. (Central Fife) O'Halloran, Michael Wilson, Rt Hon Sir Harold (Huyton)
Hardy, Peter O'Neill, Martin Wilson, William (Coventry SE)
Harrison, Rt Hon Walter Orme, Rt Hon Stanley Winnick David
Hart, Rt Hon Dame Judith Owen, Rt Hon Dr David Woodall, Alec
Hattersley, Rt Hon Roy Palmer, Arthur Woolmer, Kenneth
Haynes, Frank Parker, John Wrigglesworth, Ian
Healey, Rt Hon Denis Parry, Robert Wright, Sheila
Heffer, Eric S. Pavitt, Laurie Young, David (Bolton East)
Hogg, Norman (E Dunbartonshire) Penhaligon, David
Holland, Stuart (L'beth, Vauxhall) Powell, Raymond (Ogmore) TELLERS FOR THE AYES:
Home Robertson, John Prescott, John Mr. James Tinn and
Homewood, William Price, Christopher (Lewisham West) Mr. Donald Coleman.
NOES
Adley, Robert Atkins, Robert (Preston North) Bennett, Sir Frederic (Torbay)
Aitken, Jonathan Baker, Kenneth (St. Marylebone) Benyon, Thomas (Abingdon)
Alexander, Richard Baker, Nicholas (North Dorset) Benyon, W. (Buckingham)
Amery, Rt Hon Julian Banks, Robert Best, Keith
Ancram, Michael Beaumont-Dark, Anthony Bevan, David Gilroy
Arnold, Tom Bell, Sir Ronald Biffen, Rt Hon John
Aspinwall, Jack Bendall, Vivian Biggs-Davison, John
Blackburn, John Grieve, Percy Morrison, Hon Charles (Devizes)
Body, Richard Griffiths, Eldon (Bury St Edmunds) Morrison, Hon Peter (City of Chester)
Bonsor, Sir Nicholas Griffiths, Peter (Portsmouth N) Mudd, David
Boscawen, Hon Robert Grist, Ian Murphy, Christopher
Bottomley, Peter (Woolwich West) Grylls, Michael Myles, David
Bowden, Andrew Gummer, John Selwyn Neale, Gerrard
Boyson, Dr Rhodes Hamilton, Hon Archie (Eps'm&Ew'll) Needham, Richard
Braine, Sir Bernard Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) Nelson, Anthony
Bright, Graham Hampson, Dr Keith Neubert, Michael
Brinton, Tim Hannam, John Newton, Tony
Brittan, Leon Haselhurst, Alan Normanton, Tom
Brooke, Hon Peter Hawksley, Warren Nott, Rt Hon John
Brotherton, Michael Hayhoe, Barney Onslow, Cranley
Brown, Michael (Brigg & Sc'thorpe) Heddle, John Oppenheim, Rt Hon Mrs Sally
Browne, John (Winchester) Henderson, Barry Osborn, John
Bruce-Gardyne, John Heseltine, Rt Hon Michael Page, John (Harrow, West)
Bryan, Sir Paul Hicks, Robert Page, Richard (SW Hertfordshire)
Buchanan-Smith, Hon Alick Higgins, Rt Hon Terence L. Parris, Matthew
Buck, Antony Hill, James Patten, Christopher (Bath)
Budgen, Nick Hogg, Hon Douglas (Grantham) Patten, John (Oxford)
Bulmer, Esmond Holland, Philip (Carlton) Pattie, Geoffrey
Burden, F. A. Hooson, Tom Pink, Rt Bonner
Butcher, John Hordern, Peter Pollock, Alexander
Butler, Hon Adam Howell, Rt Hon David (Guildford) Porter, George
Cadbury, Jocelyn Hunt, David (Wirral) Powell, Rt Hon J. Enoch (S Down)
Carlisle, John (Luton West) Hunt, John (Ravensbourne) Prentice, Rt Hon Reg
Carlisle, Kenneth (Lincoln) Hurd, Hon Douglas Price, David (Eastleigh)
Carlisle, Rt Hon Mark (Runcorn) Irving, Charles (Cheltenham) Prior, Rt Hon James
Chalker, Mrs. Lynda Jenkin, Rt Hon Patrick Proctor, K. Harvey
Channon, Paul Jessel, Toby Pym, Rt Hon Francis
Chapman, Sydney Johnson Smith, Geoffrey Raison, Timothy
Churchill, W. S. Jopling, Rt Hon Michael Rathbone, Tim
Clark, Hon Alan (Plymouth, Sutton) Joseph, Rt Hon Sir Keith Rees, Peter (Dover and Deal)
Clark, Sir William (Croydon South) Kaberry, Sir Donald Rees-Davies, W. R.
Clarke, Kenneth (Rushcliffe) Kellett-Bowman, Mrs Elaine Renton, Tim
Clegg, Sir Walter Kimball, Marcus Rhodes James, Robert
Cockeram, Eric King, Rt Hon Tom Rhys Williams, Sir Brandon
Colvin, Michael Kitson, Sir Timothy Ridsdale, Julian
Cope, John Knight, Mrs Jill Rippon, Rt Hon Geoffrey
Cormack, Patrick Knox, David Roberts, Michael (Cardiff NW)
Corrie, John Lamont, Norman Roberts, Wyn (Conway)
Costain, A. P. Lang, Ian Rossi, Hugh
Cranborne, Viscount Langford-Holt, Sir John Rost, Peter
Critchley, Julian Latham, Michael Sainsbury, Hon Timothy
Crouch, David Lawrence, Ivan St. John-Stevas, Rt Hon Norman
Dean, Paul (North Somerset) Lawson, Nigel Scott, Nicholas
Dickens, Geoffrey Lee, John Shaw, Michael (Scarborough)
Dorrell, Stephen Lennox-Boyd, Hon Mark Shelton, William (Streatham)
Douglas-Hamilton, Lord James Lester, Jim (Beeston) Shepherd, Colin (Hereford)
Dover, Denshore Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) Shepherd, Richard (Aldridge-Br'hills)
du Cann, Rt Hon Edward Lloyd, Ian (Havant & Waterloo) Silvester, Fred
Dunn, Robert (Dartford) Lloyd, Peter (Fareham) Sims, Roger
Durant, Tony Loveridge, John Skeet, T. H. H.
Eden, Rt Hon Sir John McCrindle, Robert Smith, Dudley (War. and Leam'ton)
Edwards, Rt Hon N. (Pembroke) Macfarlane, Nell Speed, Keith
Eggar, Timothy MacGregor, John Speller, Tony
Elliott, Sir William MacKay, John (Argyll) Spence, John
Fairbairn, Nicholas Macmillan, Rt Hon M. (Farnham) Spicer, Jim (West Dorset)
Fairgrieve, Russell McNair-Wilson, Michael (Newbury) Spicer, Michael (S Worcestershire)
Faith, Mrs Sheila McNair-Wilson, Patrick (New Forest) Sproat, lain
Farr, John McQuarrie, Albert Squire, Robin
Fell, Anthony Madel, David Stainton, Keith
Fenner, Mrs Peggy Major, John Stanbrook, Ivor
Finsberg, Geoffrey Marland, Paul Stanley, John
Fisher, Sir Nigel Marlow, Tony Steen, Anthony
Fletcher, Alexander (Edinburgh N) Marshall, Michael (Arundel) Stevens, Martin
Fletcher-Cooke, Charles Marten, Neil (Banbury) Stewart, Ian (Hitchin)
Fookes, Miss Janet Mates, Michael Stewart, John (East Renfrewshire)
Forman, Nigel Mather, Carol Stradling Thomas, J.
Fowler, Rt Hon Norman Maude, Rt Hon Angus Tapsell, Peter
Fox, Marcus Mawby, Ray Taylor, Robert (Croydon NW)
Fraser, Rt Hon H. (Stafford & St) Mawhinney, Dr Brian Taylor, Teddy (Southend East)
Fraser, Peter (South Angus) Maxwell-Hyslop, Robin Tebbit, Norman
Fry, Peter Mayhew, Patrick Temple-Morris, Peter
Galbraith, Hon T. G. D. Mellor, David Thomas, Rt Hon Peter (Hendon S)
Gardiner, George (Reigate) Meyer, Sir Anthony Thompson, Donald
Gardner, Edward (South Fylde) Miller, Hal (Bromsgrove & Redditch) Thornton, Malcolm
Gilmour, Rt Hon Sir Ian Mills, lain (Meriden) Townend, John (Bridlington)
Glyn, Dr Alan Mitchell, David (Basingstoke) Townsend, Cyril D. (Bexleyheath)
Goodlad, Alastair Moate, Roger Trippier, David
Gorst, John Molyneux, James Trotter, Neville
Gow, Ian Monro, Hector van Straubenzee, W. R.
Gower, Sir Raymond Montgomery, Fergus Vaughan, Dr Gerard
Grant, Anthony (Harrow C) Moore, John Viggers, Peter
Gray, Hamish Morgan, Geraint Waddington, David
Greenway, Harry Morris, Michael (Northampton, Sth) Wakeham, John
Waldegrave, Hon William Wells, Bowen (Hert'rd & Stev'nage) Winterton, Nicholas
Walker, Rt Hon Peter (Worcester) Wheeler, John Wolfson, Mark
Walker, Bill (Perth & E Perthshire) Whitelaw, Rt Hon William Young, Sir George (Acton)
Walker-Smith, Rt Hon Sir Derek Whitney, Raymond
Wall, Patrick Wickenden, Keith TELLERS FOR THE NOES:
Waller, Gary Wiggin, Jerry Mr. Spencer Le Marchant and
Walters, Dennis Wilkinson, John Mr Anthony Berry.
Ward, John Williams, Delwyn (Montgomery)

Question accordingly negatived.

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