HC Deb 12 November 1979 vol 973 cc1105-19

'(1) This Act shall continue in force for the period of six months beginning with the date of the passing of this Act and shall then expire unless it is continued in force in accordance with subsection (2) of this section.

(2) Her Majesty may from time to time by Order in Council provide that this Act shall continue in force for a period of one year beyond the date on which it would otherwise expire; but no recommendation shall be made to Her Majesty in Council to make an Order under this subsection unless a draft of the Order has been laid before Parliament and approved by resolution of each House of Parliament.'.—[Mr. Spearing.]

Brought up, and read the First time.

1.45 am
Mr. Spearing

I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.

As the debate on the Bill draws to a close, it is appropriate that we should discuss a clause concerning the rights of the House and therefore of the electors of this country. I do not anticipate that we shall divide on the new clause, but if the Government resist it, it could be negatived by voice.

There has been a debate in the House each year on Rhodesia. The Government have been able to give account of their actions and there has been a general review of the situation. The debates have not always been fruitful and, as the Lord Privy Seal has just said, some have been nonsense but they have at least been a help. There has, perhaps, been little movement to report and therefore little progress made. There will, however, be a great deal of movement with the Bill before us—and the Government Front Bench has promised that that movement will be quick. It may be that over the days and months ahead the House will wish to return to this issue.

Under the wide and extensive powers contained in the Bill there will be opportunity to debate how section 3 orders are being used and the purposes to which they are being put. The Bill, however, is essentially transitional. As it tells us in the long title, it is paving the way for another Act which will give fully responsible status to a new republic of Zimbabwe.

We have expressed great anxiety about the Bill's success. The balance of interest is extremely delicate. The last debate but one demonstrated doubt about the security forces being used and the result that that will have. It is possible that we shall be confronted with a procession of section 3 orders. In the Bill the use of that section is not foreseen for a long time.

Section 3 orders will give great powers to the Governor, and it may, unfortunately, be necessary for the Government to govern Rhodesia through a succession of these orders. I presume that the Government do not wish to see section 3 orders used for more than six or seven months at the most. However, if their plans do not have the desired result, the Government will be operating under statute in a framework entirely ill-suited for the purpose. In those circumstances, it would be for the Government to come back with an adjusted Bill, perhaps containing new procedures, so that the House could keep a proper track of what was happening. If the Government accept the new clause, that will be possible, because the Act will have to be renewed every six months.

If the Government resist this new clause I suggest that they will be shown not to have faith in their own solution. In that respect they will be seen to be inconsistent. I hope that, out of prudence, and because of their faith in their preferred solution—which we do not accept but one to which they are yoking the Committee and country—the Government will accept the clause.

Mr. Luce

As the hon. Member for Newham, South (Mr. Spearing) has said, the purpose of the new clause is to limit the life of the measure to six months, unless extended for a further year by Order in Council, which would have to be laid in draft. The burden of my argument against the clause is that much of the purpose of this Bill will have been achieved within a six-month period.

The objective of this measure, as we have said on Second Reading and in Committee, is to proceed at a far more rapid pace. We have had plenty of opportunity of debating the pros and cons of proceeding at that speed. Much of what we seek to do will have been achieved within the six-month time scale. The independence constitution will have been made. After independence the Government will cease to have any further power to operate clause 1 or 2, relating to the provisions for the constitution and the interim arrangements. For the same reason, the Government will cease to have power to operate under clause 3(1)(a), which makes provision for the Governor to function during the interim period.

Even after independence it will be necessary to retain as law provisions made under clauses 1 and 3(1)(b) to provide for transitional matters. In some respects these are normal features of the steps leading to independence which have been taken by other countries. Such matters include financial arrangements and the expiry of certain orders. As an example, I cite provisions for the orderly discharge of debt liabilities. There is a number of measures which will need to remain in force after independence.

The necessity for much of this legislation will have disappeared within the period envisaged in the clause. Only a small technical area will remain. I have given an example of this. The Government feel that it would impose an unnecessary burden on Parliament to have to renew the measure every half year to deal with these technical issues. For these reasons I oppose the clause.

Question put and negatived.

Bill reported, without amendment.

1.55 am
Sir Ian Gilmour

I beg to move, That the Bill be now read the Third time.

We regret the inconvenience that the House has suffered, but we are most grateful to the Opposition for keeping their promise—not that we expected that they would not.

One of the results of the suddenness of the procedure is that not a great deal has happened between Second Reading and Third Reading. Therefore, I imagine that the House will not expect me to give an extended elaboration of the provisions of the Bill.

The Bill could not have been introduced until the Government's proposals for the interim period had been tabled and considered in conference. Thereafter we needed to proceed with despatch, because we must have the powers to implement a settlement quickly. We have made no attempt to conceal that the Bill grants very broad powers. These will be needed if we are to exercise our considerable responsibilities.

I repeat that the Government's aim is a settlement in which all parties will take part. We fully agree that that is the only way to end the war. Of course, we recognise that it will require difficult decisions by the Patriotic Front, but no more difficult, I think, than those that the Salisbury delegation has already taken. We hope deeply, as I am sure the whole House does, that those decisions will be taken very shortly. Thereafter, the Bill will enable the Government to proceed. I therefore commend it to the House.

1.57 am
Mr. Shore

On any normal Bill, Third Reading is separated from Second Reading by some period of time, a point that the Lord Privy Seal himself made, by amendments made in Committee, and by the development of thought that arises out of debate. But this is not a normal Bill. Indeed, it is highly abnormal. Between its presentation and publication and Second Reading we had 24 hours. Between Second Reading and Third Reading we have had—after much effort on our part—two parliamentary days and a weekend. Needless to say, not one amendment has been accepted.

I do not believe that in our two-day debate one convincing argument has been advanced as to why the House has been treated in so peremptory a way and why it was thought necessary to get the Bill on to the statute book by 16 November—except, of course, to appease the Conservative Party's own Rhodesia lobby. Even that act of appeasement on sanctions could easily have been separated from the enabling Bill.

The effect outside their own party of what the Government have done has been, as we warned it would be, harmful. It has been damaging to our international reputation and damaging to the achievement of our main objective, which is agreement at Lancaster House. We said on Wednesday that it was bound to raise suspicions, and it has. Our efforts to allay suspicions, by obtaining categorical statements from the Government that without agreement the Bill would not be used, have been foolishly refused and frustrated.

We said that the Bill would drain dry the virtually empty wells of good will among the participants in the conference, and I fear that that is the case. We said that it would put us all, Government and Opposition, in the great difficulty of being forced to discuss the questions still unresolved, and still being debated, at the conference, something that hitherto we had deliberately refrained from doing.

The Government have made a major blunder. It is my profound hope that they can now retrieve the position. But I have no hesitation in calling on my right hon and hon. Friends to vote against giving this misconceived and mischievous Bill a Third Reading now.

2 am

Mr. Newens

When I first heard last week that the Government were introducing the Bill I considered that it was most untimely. None of the remarks made from the Government Benches has convinced me otherwise. It is obvious that the Bill is intended to prepare the way for presenting the Patriotic Front with an ultimatum. We have seen developments in that direction since the Bill was presented.

Those of us who opposed the idea of forcing the Bill through all its stages last week have not had our initial fears allayed by one argument that has been advanced. The Government have stoutly resisted all the attempts made by the Opposition to reduce the likelihood that the Bill will pave the way for a one-sided agreement with the Muzorewa regime. The Lord Privy Seal did not bother to answer our arguments on the first amendment. The right hon. Gentleman did not answer the questions that were put to him. He was not prepared to answer the Committee, and it was clear that the Government were prepared to promulgate the constitution without the full agreement of the other parties.

On subsequent amendments the Government resisted the attempts to lengthen the period for the election. They resisted the attempts to limit the use of the Salisbury regime's security forces. The Government have refused to retain sanctions. They are using their majority to push the Bill through regardless of all the arguments.

I hope that right hon. and hon. Members will think carefully. The Bill could produce some unpleasant consequences. It could lead to the continuation of the civil war. It could place Britain in breach of its international agreements. It could do considerable damage to Britain's reputation throughout the world.

The Bill obviously meets with the approval of the Right wing of the Conservative Party. We should remember that UDI met with the approval of many Conservative Members, and we know where that idea took us. Every since the Duke of Wellington opposed the abolition of the rotten borough system the Tory Party has not been short of a regiment of Rip Van Winkles. The profession of many Tories seems to be to sleep through change. Those who are always prepared to come forward with a solution to today's problems that is 20 years out of date may now be offering a solution that will lead to long-term repercussions.

I am sorry to see the hon. Member for Cambridge (Mr. Rhodes James) regarding the issue as a joke as I know that the hon. Gentleman is a serious historian. We should recognise that in the past such decisions have led to long-term consequences involving great bloodshed. We should not lightly take a decision this evening. Nothing that has happened today has allayed my fears, nor those of many of my hon. Friends. All who want to see peace achieved in Rhodesia—that includes hon. Members on both sides of the House—must hope that the Bill does not wreck that prospect. Many of us feel that there is a serious possibility that it will. The Bill is entirely premature. It should never have been introduced before agreement had been reached with all the parties. In these circumstances, it is entirely right that Labour Members should vote against the Third Reading.

2.5 am

Mr. Peter Bottomley

I want to make one point, namely, that the Lancaster House proposals will bring majority rule to Zimbabwe-Rhodesia far earlier than any other proposals put forward at any time since the 1961 constitution. The 1961 proposals would have brought majority rule probably within about 15 years.

The "Tiger" and "Fearless" arrangements would probably have delayed majority rule until the end of this century. The 1971 proposals would probably have delayed it until the thirtieth year of the next century.

It is well worth paying a tribute to all the parties at the Lancaster House conference in that they have reached agreement on a constitution which will bring majority rule to Zimbabwe in all our lifetimes, we hope without the sacrifice of the lives of many others who now live in that country.

2.6 am

Miss Joan Lestor (Eton and Slough)

When the debate began, we were assured by the Conservative Front Bench that the Government were on the eve of an agreement with the Patriotic Front on the question of the interim period. Nothing that has emerged throughout the debate has produced any evidence at all that that agreement is imminent. In fact, what has emerged up until now is that the Government are no nearer an agreement for an interim period than when they first brought the Bill to the House.

When the Lusaka conference took place doubts were expressed about the diffi- culty of getting an agreement on the interim period because of the difficulties that were foreseen. In fact, so much was that the case that when the Lancaster House conference opened—[Interruption.] It is a great pity that members of the Government Front Bench cannot listen to what is being said on a historic occasion which may well spell war in southern Africa. When the discussions opened at Lancaster House, there was so much concern about the interim period that the Patriotic Front wanted to discuss those arrangements prior to discussing the constitution. But it gave way on the argument, and the constitution was discussed first.

The position at which we have arrived is that, despite what Labour Members have tried to do by way of amendment, the Bill will undoubtedly be passed with the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues in effect saying "Although we cannot say what we will do if agreement on the interim period and other matters is not reached, we hope and trust that we will be able to do the right thing". In other words, they are saying to the Patriotic Front and others "Give us this enabling Bill. Trust us. We shall not let you down". That is a grave responsibility which the Government are taking on. It is a grave responsibility that has emanated from Lancaster House.

All I can say is that I hope that the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues are aware of what they have done in the past two or three days. If there is any departure from the agreement that was drawn up at the Lusaka conference, on their heads be it.

Mr. Michael Brotherton (Louth)

On a point of order, Mr. Deputy Speaker. Is it in order for the hon. Lady to propose sedition in this House?

Miss Lestor

Did the hon. Gentleman say seduction?

2.9 am

Mr. Alexander W. Lyon

Conservative Members have had their fun at our expense on this Third Reading, but I hope that the full enormity of what may be contained in the Bill, and its implications, never comes home to them. It is of the utmost seriousness that the Lord Privy Seal, in a speech which a good many Conservative Members may not have heard, indicated that if the Lancaster House negotiations did not reach agreement the Government might be prepared to use the powers in the Bill to go ahead. That implies that they may try to use those powers to legitimise a Muzorewa Government elected in an election in which the Patriotic Front did not participate. If that were the result of tonight's work it would lead to the direst consequences, not only for southern Africa but for this country's involvement. A civil war has been going on in Rhodesia for over 10 years. We might be brought into the fighting. In that event, perhaps the consequences of the fighting would extend beyond the borders of Rhodesia.

Many Opposition Members doubt the wisdom of the Bill at this stage. They would have preferred to wait for an agreement. Our view was backed by President Kaunda in his statement to the press before he left this country. It was supported by the Security Council committee on sanctions and the Commonwealth Secretariat. I hope that Government supporters are right in their general pleasure that the Bill will be passed, that there will be an agreement and that all our fears are groundless. But if our fears are justified, I suspect that the Government will have to laugh on the other side of their face before many months are spent.

Question put, That the Bill be now read the Third time:—

The House divided: Ayes 296, Noes 229.

Division No. 104 AYES [2.12 am
Adley, Robert Banks, Robert Biggs-Davison, John
Aitken, Jonathan Beaumont-Dark, Anthony Blackburn, John
Alexander, Richard Bell, Ronald Blaker, Peter
Alison, Michael Bendall, Vivian Body, Richard
Ancram, Michael Bennett, Sir Frederic (Torbay) Bonsor, Sir Nicholas
Arnold, Tom Benyon, Thomas (Abingdon) Boscawen, Hon Robert
Aspinwall, Jack Benyon, W. (Buckingham) Bottomley, Peter (Woolwich West)
Atkins, Robert (Preston North) Best, Keith Bowden, Andrew
Atkinson, David (B'mouth, East) Bevan, David Gilroy Boyson, Dr Rhodes
Baker, Nicholas (North Dorset) Biffen, Rt Hon John Braine, Sir Bernard
Bright, Graham Haselhurst, Alan Nelson, Anthony
Brinton, Tim Hastings, Stephen Neubert, Michael
Brittan, Leon Havers, Rt Hon Sir Michael Newton, Tony
Brocklebank-Fowler, Christopher Hawkins, Paul Nott, Rt Hon John
Brooke, Hon Peter Hawksley, Warren Onslow, Cranley
Brotherton, Michael Hayhoe, Barney Oppenheim, Rt Hon Mrs Sally
Brown, Michael (Brlgg & Sc'thorpe) Heddle, John Osborn, John
Browne, John (Winchester) Henderson, Barry Page, John (Harrow, West)
Bruce-Gardyne, John Heseltine, Rt Hon Michael Page, Rt Hon R. Graham (Crosby)
Bryan, Sir Paul Hicks, Robert Paisley, Rev Ian
Buck, Antony Higgins, Rt Hon Terence L. Parkinson, Cecil
Budgen, Nick Hill, James Parris, Matthew
Bulmer, Esmond Holland, Philip (Carlton) Patten, Christopher (Bath)
Burden, F. A. Hooson, Tom Patten, John (Oxford)
Butcher, John Howell, Rt Hon David (Guildford) Pattle, Geoffrey
Butler, Hon Adam Howell, Ralph (North Norfolk) Pawsey, James
Cadbury, Jocelyn Hunt, David (Wirral) Percival, Sir Ian
Carlisle, John (Luton West) Hunt, John (Ravensbourne) Pink, R. Bonner
Carlisle, Kenneth (Lincoln) Hurd, Hon Douglas Pollock, Alexander
Carlisle, Rt Hon Mark (Runcorn) Irving, Charles (Cheltenham) Porter, George
Chalker, Mrs. Lynda Jenkin, Rt Hon Patrick Price, David (Eastleigh)
Channon, Paul Jessel, Toby Prior, Rt Hon James
Chapman, Sydney Johnson Smith, Geoffrey Proctor, K. Harvey
Churchill, W. S. Jopling, Rt Hon Michael Raison, Timothy
Clark, Dr William (Croydon South) Joseph, Rt Hon Sir Keith Rathbone, Tim
Clarke, Kenneth (Rushcliffe) Kaberry, Sir Donald Rees, Peter (Dover and Deal)
Cockeram, Eric Kellett-Bowman, Mrs Elaine Rees-Davies, W. R.
Colvin, Michael King, Rt Hon Tom Rhodes James, Robert
Cope, John Kitson, Sir Timothy Rhys Williams, Sir Brandon
Cormack, Patrick Knox, David Ridley, Hon Nicholas
Corrie, John Lamont, Norman Rifkind, Malcolm
Costain, A. P. Lang, Ian Rippon, Rt Hon Geoffrey
Cranborne, Viscount Langford-Holt, Sir John Roberts, Michael (Cardiff NW)
Critchley, Julian Latham, Michael Roberts, Wyn (Conway)
Crouch, David Lawrence, Ivan Robinson, Peter (Belfast East)
Dickens, Geoffrey Lawson, Nigel Rost, Peter
Dorrell, Stephen Lee, John Royle, Sir Anthony
Douglas-Hamilton, Lord James Lester, Jim (Beeston) Sainsbury, Hon Timothy
Dover, Denshore Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) St. John-Stevas, Rt Hon Norman
du Cann, Rt Hon Edward Lloyd, Ian (Havant & Waterloo) Scott, Nicholas
Dunn, Robert (Dartford) Lloyd, Peter (Fareham) Shaw, Giles (Pudsey)
Durant, Tony Loveridge, John Shelton, William (Strealham)
Dykes, Hugh Luce, Richard Shepherd, Colin (Hereford)
Eden, Rt Hon Sir John Lyell, Nicholas Shepherd, Richard (Aldridge-Br'hills)
Edwards, Rt Hon N. (Pembroke) McAdden, Sir Stephen Shersby, Michael
Eggar, Timothy McCrindle, Robert Silvester, Fred
Elliott, Sir William Macfarlane, Neil Sims, Roger
Emery, Peter MacGregor, John Skeet, T. H. H.
Eyre, Reginald MacKay, John (Argyll) Speed, Keith
Fairbairn, Nicholas McNair-Wilson, Michael (Newbury) Speller, Tony
Faith, Mrs Sheila McNair-Wilson, Patrick (New Forest) Spence, John
Farr, John McQuarrie, Albert Spicer, Jim (West Dorset)
Fell, Anthony Madel, David Sproat, Iain
Fenner, Mrs Peggy Major, John Squire, Robin
Finsberg, Geoffrey Marland, Paul Stainton, Keith
Fisher, Sir Nigel Marlow, Tony Stanbrook, Ivor
Fletcher, Alexander (Edinburgh N) Marshall, Michael (Arundel) Stanley, John
Fookes, Miss Janet Mates, Michael Steen, Anthony
Forman, Nigel Mather, Carol Stevens, Martin
Fraser, Rt Hon H. (Stafford & St) Maude, Rt Hon Angus Stewart, Ian (Hitchin)
Fraser, Peter (South Angus) Mawby, Ray Stewart, John (East Renfrewshire)
Fry, Peter Mawhinney, Dr Brian Stokes, John
Gardiner, George (Relgate) Maxwell-Hyslop, Robin Stradling Thomas, J.
Gardner, Edward (South Fylde) Mayhew, Patrick Tapsell, Peter
Garel-Jones, Tristan Mellor, David Taylor, Robert (Croydon NW)
Gilmour, Rt Hon Sir Ian Meyer, Sir Anthony Tebbit, Norman
Goodhart, Philip Miller, Hal (Bromsgrove & Redditch) Temple-Morris, Peter
Goodhew, Victor Mills, Iain (Meriden) Thatcher, Rt Hon Mrs Margaret
Goodlad, Alastair Mills, Peter (West Devon) Thompson, Donald
Gow, Ian Miscampbell, Norman Thorne, Nell (Ilford South)
Gower, Sir Raymond Mitchell, David (Basingstoke) Thornton, Malcolm
Grant, Anthony (Harrow C) Moate, Roger Townend, John (Brldlington)
Gray, Hamish Monro, Hector Townsend, Cyril D. (Bexleyheath)
Greenway, Harry Montgomery, Fergus Trippier, David
Grieve, Percy Moore, John Trotter, Neville
Griffiths, Eldon (Bury St Edmunds) Morgan, Geraint van Straubenzee, W. R.
Griffiths, Peter (Portsmouth N) Morris, Michael (Northampton, Sth) Vaughan, Dr Gerard
Grist, Ian Morrison, Hon Charles (Devizes) Viggers, Peter
Grylls, Michael Morrison, Hon Peter (City of Chester) Waddington, David
Gumrner, John Selwyn Mudd, David Wakeham, John
Hamilton, Hon Archie (Eps'm&Ew'll) Murphy, Christopher Waldegrave, Hon William
Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) Myles, David Wall, Patrick
Hampson, Dr Keith Neale, Gerrard Waller, Gary
Hannam, John Needham, Richard Ward, John
Warren, Kenneth Wickenden, Keith Young, Sir George (Acton)
Watson, John Wiggin, Jerry Younger, Rt Hon George
Wells, John (Maldstone) Wilkinson, John
Wells, Bowen (Hert'rd & Stev'nage) Williams, Delwyn (Montgomery) TELLERS FOR THE AYES
Wheeler, John Winterton, Nicholas Mr. Spencer Le Marchant an[...]
Whitney, Raymond Wolfson, Mark Mr. Anthony Berry
Adams, Allen Flannery, Martin Mikardo, Ian
Allaun, Frank Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) Millan, Rt Hon Bruce
Anderson, Donald Ford, Ben Miller, Dr M. S. (East Kilbride)
Archer, Rt Hon Peter Forrester, John Mitchell, R. C. (Soton, Itchen)
Armstrong, Rt Hon Ernest Foster, Derek Morris, Rt Hon Charles (Openshaw)
Ashley, Rt Hon Jack Fraser, John (Lambeth, Norwood) Morris, Rt Hon John (Aberavon)
Ashton, Joe Freeson, Rt Hon Reginald Moyle, Rt Hon Roland
Atkinson, Norman (H'gey, Tott'ham) Freud, Clement Mulley, Rt Hon Frederick
Barnett, Guy (Greenwich) Garrett, John (Norwich S) Newens, Stanley
Barnett, Rt Hon Joel (Heywood) Garrett, W. E. (Wallsend) Oakes. Rt Hon Gordon
Belth, A. J. George, Bruce O'Halloran, Michael
Benn, Rt Hon Anthony Wedgwood Gilbert, Rt Hon Dr John O'Neill, Martin
Bennett, Andrew (Stockport N) Golding, John Orme, Rt Hon Stanley
Bidwell, Sydney Graham, Ted Owen, Rt Hon Dr David
Booth, Rt Hon Albert Grant, George (Morpeth) Palmer, Arthur
Boolhroyd, Miss Betty Grant, John (Islington C) Park, George
Bottomley, Rt Hon Arthur (M'brough) Hamilton, James (Bothwell) Parry, Robert
Bradley, Tom Hardy, Peter Pendry, Tom
Brown, Hugh D. (Provan) Harrison, Rt Hon Walter Penhaligon, David
Brown, Robert C. (Newcastle W) Hart, Rt Hon Dame Judith Powell, Rt Hon J. Enoch (S Down)
Brown, Ron (Edinburgh, Leith) Hattersley, Rt Hon Roy Powell, Raymond (Ogmore)
Buchan, Norman Haynes, Frank Prescott, John
Callaghan, Rt Hon. J. (Cardiff SE) Healey, Rt Hon Denis Price, Christopher (Lewisham West)
Callaghan, Jim (Middleton & P) Heffer, Eric S. Race, Reg
Campbell, Ian Hogg, Norman (E Dunbartonshire) Rees, Rt Hon Merlyn (Leeds [...])
Campbell-Savours, Dale Holland, Stuart (L'beth, Vauxhall) Richardson, Miss Jo
Canavan, Dennis Home Robertson, John Roberts, Allan (Bootle)
Cant, R. B. Homewood, William Roberts, Ernest (Hackney North)
Carmlchael, Nell Hooley, Frank Roberts, Gwilym (Cannock)
Cartwright, John Howoll, Rt Hon Denis (B'ham, Sm H) Robertson, George
Clark, David (South Shields) Howells, Geraint Robinson, Geoffrey (Coventry NW)
Cocks, Rt Hon Michael (Bristol S) Huckfield, Les Rooker, J. W.
Cohen, Stanley Hughes, Roy (Newport) Roper, John
Coleman, Donald Janner, Hon Greville Ross, Ernest (Dundee West)
Concannon, Rt Hon J. D. John, Brynmor Ross, Wm. (Londonderry)
Conlan, Bernard Johnson, James (Hull West) Rowlands, Ted
Cook, Robin F. Jones, Rt Hon Alec (Rhondda) Ryman, John
Cowans, Harry Jones, Barry (East Flint) Sever, John
Cox, Tom (Wandsworth, Tooting) Jones, Dan (Burnley) Sheerman, Barry
Crowther, J. S. Kaufman, Rt Hon Gerald Sheldon, Rt Hon Robert (A'ton-u-L)
Cryer, Bob Kerr, Russell Shore, Rt Hon Peter (Step and Pop)
Cunliffe, Lawrence Kilroy-Silk, Robert Silkin, Rt Hon John (Deptford)
Cunningham, George (Islington S) Kinnock, Neil Silkin, Rt Hon S. C. (Dulwich)
Cunningham, Dr John (Whitehaven) Lamble, David Silverman, Julius
Dalyell, Tam Lamborn, Harry Skinner, Dennis
Davidson, Arthur Lamond, James Soley, Clive
Davies, Rt Hon Denzll (Lianelli) Leadbitter, Ted Spearing, Nigel
Davies, E. Hudson (Caerphilly) Leighton, Ronald Spriggs, Leslie
Davies, Ifor (Gower) Lestor, Miss Joan (Eton & Slough) Stallard, A. W.
Davis, Clinton, (Hackney Central) Lewis, Ron (Carlisle) Steel, Rt Hon David
Davis, Terry (B'rm'ham, Stechford) Litherland, Robert Stoddart, David
Deakins, Eric Lofthouse, Geoffrey Stott, Roger
Dean, Joseph (Leeds West) Lyon, Alexander (York) Strang, Gavin
Dempsey, James McCartney, Hugh Straw, Jack
Dewar, Donald McDonald, Dr Oonagh Summerskill, Hon Dr Shirley
Dixon, Donald McGuire, Michael (Ince) Taylor, Mrs Ann (Bolton West)
Dobson, Frank McKay, Allen (Penistone) Thomas, Jeffrey (Abertillery)
Dormand, Jack McKelvey, William Thomas, Mike (Newcastle East)
Douglas, Dick MacKenzie, Rt Hon Gregor Thomas, Dr Roger (Carmarthen)
Douglas-Mann, Bruce Maclennan, Robert Thorne, Stan (Preston South)
Dubs, Allred McMillan, Tom (Glasgow, Central) Tilley, John
Duffy, A. E. P. McNally, Thomas Tinn, James
Dunn, James A. (Liverpool, Kirkdale) McNamara, Kevin Torney, Tom
Dunnett, Jack McWilliam, John Varley, Rt Hon Eric G.
Dunwoody, Mrs. Gwyneth Magee, Bryan Wainwright, Edwin (Dearne Valley)
Eadie, Alex Marks, Kenneth Walker, Rt Hon Harold (Doncaster)
Eastham, Ken Marshall, David (Gl'sgow, Shettles'n) Weetch, Ken
Edwards, Robert (Wolv SE) Marshall, Dr Edmund (Goole) Wellbeloved, James
Ellis, Raymond (NE Derbyshire) Marshall, Jim (Leicester South) Welsh, Michael
Ellis, Tom (Wrexham) Martin, Michael (Gl'gow, Springb'rn) White, Frank R. (Bury & Radcliffe)
English, Michael Mason, Rt Hon Roy White, James (Glasgow, Pollok)
Evans, Ioan (Aberdare) Maxton, John Whitlock, William
Evans, John (Newton) Maynard, Miss Joan Willey, Rt Hon Frederick
Field, Frank Meacher, Michael Williams, Rt Hon Alan (Swansea W)
Wilson, Rt Hon Sir Harold (Huyton) Wrigglesworth, Ian TELLERS FOR THE NOES:
Wilson, William (Coventry SE) Wright, Sheila Mr. Austin Mitchell and
Winnick, David Young, David (Bolton East) Mr. George Morton
Woolmer, Kenneth

Question accordingly agreed to.

Bill read the Third time and passed.