NORTHERN IRELAND (Hansard, 1 March 1976)

§ The Secretary of State for Northern Ireland (Mr. Merlyn Rees)
During the weekend two persons died as a result of violence—of whom one was an electricity meter inspector who was fatally injured by a booby-trap explosion in an empty house—and 11 persons were injured. There was a great deal of hooliganism directed at deliberate disruption of life and wanton damage. Traffic was disrupted and roads blocked by hijacked vehicles. Over 80 vehicles were stolen—mainly in Belfast—and many of them, including buses, were set on fire. Bus services in the areas affected were suspended to prevent further damage. There were over 150 bomb scares of which the great majority were deliberate hoaxes. On Saturday a Dublin to Belfast train was held up by a hoax bomb and a further train was damaged by fire in a station. Government offices, schools and commercial premises were damaged by fire and churches were damaged by explosions. The brother of the Governor of Crumlin Road gaol was kidnapped and held for a time.
914 These senseless attacks were directed at the people of Northern Ireland. They were the ones who suffered disruption to to their lives. They will be the ones who will inevitably suffer when the cost of the considerable damage to property has to be found out of savings in money scheduled for other much-needed development in Northern Ireland. They are the ones to whom the criminals and the hooligans have to justify their actions. I should like to know how the injury of a four-year-old child will be justified by those responsible.
The security forces reacted promptly and decisively. Roads were quickly reopened, order was restored and already 19 arrests have been made. But what was the point of the violence and disruption? Terrorists claiming allegiance to both communities were responsible. There is no doubt that in many cases young people were being exploited for criminal purposes.
I understand that much of the violence is alleged to have been prompted by the Government decision to phase out from midnight last night the granting of special category status to criminals convicted of offences after that date. I must make it clear that those who murder and those who shoot, bomb and commit other crimes are criminals and will not get special treatment in future. I have explained to the House the Government's policy and I make clear again that this policy stands. Persons convicted of offences committed after midnight last night will not be granted special category status. The Government will not be blackmailed.

§ Mr. Fitt
Does the Secretary of State agree that the vast majority of the incidents which he has cited were brought about by the activities of an organisation known as the UDA and that that organisation, while ostensibly protesting against the Government's decision to phase out special category status for prisoners, was also engaged in a show of strength to the Government, telling the Government that if they did not accept the Convention's Report, which will be debated at Stormont tomorrow, they would find themselves in direct confrontation with the UDA? Has my right hon. Friend's attention been drawn to the statement, which was issued no later than yesterday by prominent members of the 915 UUU Coalition, stating that, if the Govment rejected the UUUC Convention Report, the population—many of whom listen to its directives—will not allow themselves to be governed from this House?
Will my right hon. Friend take this opportunity to ask all the people in Northern Ireland, and in particular parents, not to allow their sons or daughters to be involved from this date in the commission of acts of violence because under no circumstances will they be granted political status?

§ Mr. Rees
I have made it clear that with effect from midnight last night those who commit crimes will not be granted political status when they are sentenced. That is over. I agree with my hon. Friend that if people do not want to argue whether someone is special category status there is one simple way—do not commit crimes of murder. My hon. Friend was quite right in commenting on the number of children involved. In the riots a few weeks ago, a remarkable number of young children took part. A fortnight ago I saw children chucking stones who could not have been more than eight years old. Many brave people in Northern Ireland are hanging on to the coat-tails of young kids. That is what they have been doing this weekend.
My hon. Friend asked about the ending of the Convention. This House is responsible for Northern Ireland. If anyone thinks that he is simply taking me on when the Convention ends, he is mistaken—he is taking on this House and the Government. It is a curious version of loyalty even to argue in that way. We shall not be blackmailed. We are responsible for Northern Ireland and we shall govern Northern Ireland as we do the rest of the United Kingdom.

§ Mr. Neave
Is the Secretary of State aware that he can count on the strongest support for standing firm in abolishing special category status for prisoners? Is he also aware that additional measures to secure order will have the strong support of the Opposition against all kinds of terrorism and damage? Who will pay for this damage? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the ending of special category status is an essential step so that common thugs cannot be glamorised as political martyrs?

§ Mr. Rees
I am grateful for the Opposition's support on the question of special category status. I regard this as running parallel to the other steps that we are taking to achieve the primacy of the police. The rule of law is what matters. It has taken a long time, and there is a long journey ahead of us.
The hon. Gentleman asked who will pay for this. The money does not grow on trees. Over five years almost £170 million has been spent on re-erecting bombed buildings. The money for the burned buses will have to come from my budget for Northern Ireland. There is no other place from which it can come.

§ Mr. Powell
Does the right hon. Gentleman accept that his policy of phasing out the mistaken political status has been fully supported by hon. Members on this Bench and that we expect it to be persisted in and carried forward as fast as cellular accommodation becomes available? Will he further agree that it is a blasphemy to attach the term "loyal" or "loyalist" to anyone who does not accept the law of the land or who expects different treatment for people who have been convicted of the same criminal offences?

§ Mr. Rees
I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman. He has spoken for the UUUC at Westminster. Some people in Northern Ireland, who use the same title, speak in a different way. We know that it is the UUUC at Westminster that matters at Westminster. However, I wish that some people who use that name in Northern Ireland would remember that what they say is taken into account. Some of them say very funny things about what will happen later in the week. What the right hon. Gentleman has just said about loyalty is absolutely correct. There is only one meaning for it, and he always expresses it correctly. That is not always true of others who call themselves loyalists in Northern Ireland.

§ Mr. Beith
Will the Secretary of State underline that what some of the so-called loyalists demand is special status for terrorist offences not yet committed? Is there any clearer indication that some in the UDA are quite determined to carry out terrorist offences in the future? What sort of loyalism is it to demand for terrorists conditions appropriate to 917 people fighting a war with the United Kingdom?

§ Mr. Rees
The hon. Gentleman has said it better than I could. What he says is absolutely right. Those people who are arguing at present are arguing in favour of those who have not yet committed crimes. As I said earlier, the quite simple way to avoid the argument is not to get involved in the butchery of Northern Ireland when man's inhumanity to man, to children in particular, goes on, and not to expect that at the end of it that will be designated as political. There is not an ounce of politics in the nature of all the crimes committed by one side or the other in Northern Ireland.