HC Deb 17 June 1965 vol 714 cc883-5
Q1. Mr. Ridley

asked the Prime Minister whether it is the policy of Her Majesty's Government to continue to seek to pursue an independent foreign policy in any future negotiations between the European Economic Community and the United Kingdom.

The Prime Minister (Mr. Harold Wilson)

In terms of practical realities, this Question is for the time being hypothetical. If the hon. Gentleman is referring to suggestions that the foreign policy of this country should be decided by any regional supra-national organisation, or by a system of majority voting, then not only Her Majesty's Government but, I am convinced, the British people would insist that the foreign policy of this country must be decided by the Government of the day, under the control of Parliament, and, of course, within the limitations provided by our commitments to the United Nations, the Commonwealth and to any alliances into which we have freely entered.

Mr. Ridley

Will the Prime Minister agree that the pursuance of an independent foreign policy, just like the pursuance of an independent economic policy, is incompatible with the objects of the European Economic Community and that, therefore, what he has just said means that, if opportunity were to arise for us to join the Community, we should not be in a position to accept it?

The Prime Minister

If the hon. Gentleman were correct, of course, that would mean that the previous negotiations with the European Economic Community would have involved denying the possibility of pursuing an independent foreign policy. But right hon. Gentlemen opposite concerned in those negotiations said flatly that they were not prepared to accept that, and I agreed with their interpretation of the situation.

Mr. Shinwell

Has my right hon. Friend observed that General de Gaulle manages to pursue an independent foreign policy within the context of the Six?

The Prime Minister

Yes, Sir; I had noticed that that was the position.

Mr. Grimond

Will the right hon. Gentleman note that neither General de Gaulle nor the previous Conservative Administration is necessarily the best example to follow? If the movement towards political unity in Europe progresses, is it not inevitable that there must in time be a pooling of sovereignty and a coming together on foreign and defence policy?

The Prime Minister

I fully agree with what the right hon. Gentleman says, though, after recent events, I am not altogether happy to accept that the Liberal Party is a very good guide either. But if the suggestion is—some of our friends, friends of all of us, in Europe put it forward—that ultimately we should move towards an idea under which decisions on foreign policy and defence are taken by some system of majority voting in Brussels, then, I believe—I may be wrong—that this would not be wished by the British people and the vast majority of the British people would be opposed to it.

Mr. Bellenger

I recognise that the situation is somewhat hypothetical at present, but does not my right hon. Friend realise that, in a very short time, majority voting will be the order of the day in the E.E.C., and will he, therefore, assure the House that, in spite of some of the limiting factors which he suffers from outside this House in another organisation, he will take an initiative to put Britain's point of view and application for admission to the E.E.C., if necessary, on the terms of the Treaty of Rome?

The Prime Minister

There is nothing in the Treaty of Rome which says anything about majority voting on foreign affairs. The problem has been, as right hon. Members opposite many times confirmed, that there are many people in Europe who feel that, if one signs the Treaty of Rome, one is automatically committed to this kind of development. However, this is not a view which either Front Bench has accepted. It is the fact that we in this country, despite our very close links with Europe, which we want to improve, are also members of the Commonwealth and through history, geography and all our associations must have a window on the world in foreign policy. I think it inconceivable that the House or the country would accept a situation in which, for example, a Commonwealth matter, in Malaysia, or any initiative we might want to take on Vietnam, would be decided on by a system of majority voting within any purely European organisation.