GIBRALTAR

HC Deb 15 April 1965 vol 710 cc1712-37

2.6 p.m.

Mr. Colin Jackson (Brighouse and Spenborough)

Today, the people of Gibraltar are undergoing the fifteenth seige in their long history. As I have been fortunate enough to catch the eye of the Chair today, I should like to raise the subject of the plight of the people of Gibraltar and urge upon Her Majesty's Government the necessity of doing everything possible in this country to assist this British territory within the Mediterranean.

I hope that during the hour allotted for this subject hon. Members on both sides will be able to avoid party political points. The debate will be reported, particularly in Gibraltar and in Spain. I hope that we shall be able to give an impression of unanimity, of sincerity, and of regard for the people of Gibraltar, and be able to eliminate altogether any kind of party political controversy. I sincerely hope, in my speech, to set an example.

The simple facts are that today the territory of Gibraltar is under a state of seige imposed by the Government of General Franco. I do not want today to get involved in any argument about the Caudillo. I have my own views, as one who fought during the war. This afternoon, I do not want in any way to appear to criticise the people of Spain. Many of us have friends in that country. All I want to do is to draw to the attention of the House the fact that the democratic society of Gibraltar is in danger. Those of us who know this territory will emphasise the word "democratic".

I believe that Gibraltar is a unique and charming blend of the Mediterranean and the life of the Mediterranean and a British walfare state. There is a combination of Venetian blinds in the sun and health clinics. There is a combination of tropical plants and free elementary schooling for children. There is a combination of the fact that Gibraltar is a neighbour of North African territories and, at the same time, is a territory where red G.P.O. boxes and "bobbies" in blue are to be seen. is a territory which has a fine democratic tradition, an elected legislature, and an extremely distinguished Chief Minister, Sir Joshua Hassan.

At the moment this territory of Gibraltar is under a state of siege. Since the time of the consensus of 24 nations of the United Nations about the middle of last October the Spanish Government have put forward a number of measures designed to cut off the life of Gibraltar from the European hinterland. They have stopped vehicles for long periods of time at the frontier. British subjects have been forced to leave the Campo area. They have stopped the export from Spain to Gibraltar of such things as Christmas trees for hospitals and altar wine. They have refused to acknowledge passports issued by the Government of Gibraltar.

I hope that the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies will be able to give assurances on 10 points and on the constructive proposals which I have to make for alleviating the conditions of the people of Gibraltar. We should say to the Government of Spain that if they will not honour passports issued on behalf of the Government of Gibraltar we shall seriously consider whether we will honour passports issued by the Government of Spain. I do not wish the debate to degenerate into an anti-Spanish campaign, but if our passports are not to be honoured we must remind the Spanish Government that their passports may be in danger.

I hope that Her Majesty's Government will give the fullest financial assistance for rehousing those British subjects, about 600 to 700 in number, who have been forced to leave the Campo area. I hope that they will bear the cost of extra houses needed and of any schools for the children to move into. I hope that Her Majesty's Government, in conjunction with the Government of Gibraltar, will look more closely at the rapid removal of a large number of derelict army barracks which are of no use to the community of Gibraltar. I hope that these will be destroyed so that more living space may be provided in Gibraltar where the flat living space is equal only to the area of Hyde Park.

The Spanish Government have interfered with the import of foodstuffs into Gibraltar. I hope that we shall take more active steps to seek alternative markets, particularly for fruit and vegetables, from territories in North Africa such as Morocco. I hope that Her Majesty's Government will make preparations to meet the situation should the Spanish Government stop Spanish workers from the La Linea area from entering Gibraltar for the lawful purposes of employment. We do not want the people of Gibraltar to be cut off suddenly from their supply of labour.

I should like Her Majesty's Government to encourage the people of Gibraltar in the commercial sense, particularly in ship repairing. I hope that this summer B.E.A. and Thomas Cook, in an imaginative project, will encourage tourism so as to provide three or four days in Gibraltar, with perhaps a further holiday in Morocco. We must seek alternative tourist resources for the people of Gibraltar. I hope that restrictions under the Commonwealth Immigrants Act will be relaxed for the people of Gibraltar until their present difficulties are past. We should raise this whole subject in the United Nations, because our conscience is clear and the rights of the people of Gibraltar are clear.

I would hope that within the reasonably near future we might be able to send another all-party delegation to Gibraltar to assure the people of that territory that they have the unanimous support of all parties and all people in this country. It may seem that Gibraltar, with a population of 25,000, is a matter of relatively little importance in a world in turmoil. Britain with its responsibilities in the nuclear sense, its anxieties in Asia and its interest in the Commonwealth and Europe has many preoccupations, but this is a moral test for the United Kingdom and it is our duty to support the people of Gibraltar regardless of the cost.

I hope that Her Majesty's Government, who, I know, are extremely sympathetic towards the Government of Gibraltar, will bear this moral duty in mind. I hope that at the conclusion of the debate there will be nothing to mar the situation, nothing narrow, petty or partisan, and that we shall be able to send out to the people of Gibraltar from this House a message that we appreciate their dangers and admire their courage and will never let them down.

2.16 p.m.

Mr. Patrick Wall (Haltemprice)

I congratulate the hon. Member for Brighouse and Spenborough (Mr. Jackson) on raising this question at this time. A debate in the House on the problems of Gibraltar can only do good. I should like to follow the hon. Member's example and not indulge in party political matters but I must refer to one issue which I think he will take as party political but which I am raising merely because it is fundamental to the present situation.

Gibraltar has been British for 260 years and it is our right and duty to protect and support the people of Gibraltar. I believe that the Rock will remain British until and if national sovereignties are fused or in some way associated in some form of regional grouping. We must look at two things—the underlying reasons for the present dispute and the possibilities of a long-term cure.

Basically there has been interference with the passage of foodstuffs and people between Gibraltar and La Linea in the past. The facts are well known. But it is fair to say that the present crisis would not have happened if it had not been for the interference of United Nations Committee of 24 who, unlike their usual practice, were not able to make up their minds between two sides both of whom were white whereas usually colonial disputes are between coloured and white and they come down on the side of the coloured. If there had not been this direct interference this matter would not have reached a crisis.

It was this and the debates in the United Nations that exacerbated the situation between Spain and this country. There is another criticism which is per- haps relevant and I shall criticise Governments drawn from either side of this House. When we were in power the new Constitution was introduced rather hurriedly in 1964. Its introduction could have been spread over a long period with more discussions and with explanations given to the Spanish Government, because by that Constitution the government of Gibraltar was virtually handed over to the Gibraltarians although there was no question of the transfer of sovereignty.

I believe that this was misunderstood in Spain. Looking back, I think that we might have reached greater understanding with Spain if we had spent more time and effort in explaining what was happening. The Lansdowne Constitution came into force in April, 1964. In May last year Spain protested that the Constitution would lead to the final independence of Gibraltar and therefore would be a breach of the Treaty of Utrecht. In June the Conservative Government rejected these views but stressed that they wanted to maintain good relationships and that they would discuss any matters except the question of the sovereignty of Gibraltar. In July, and this is very relevant, came the question of the Spanish frigates. In October we had the General Election and after that the consensus of opinion of the Committee of 24 was, quite rightly, rejected by the new Government. On 17th October restrictions were imposed on La Linea. On the 24th normal conditions were restored. On the 26th, the new Government cancelled the Anglo-Spanish naval exercises, and on the 31st the restrictions were reimposed and have been maintained ever since.

I believe that both those factors, the rather rapid introduction of the Lansdowne Constitution and the effect of words said in this House, first over the frigates and later over the cancellation of the Anglo-Spanish exercises, annoyed and exasperated the Spaniards who, after all, are a very proud and independent people.

Having said that, I come to some suggestions for the future. I believe that the fundamental issue arises on the last part of the Treaty of Utrecht affecting Gibraltar, which was set out in the recent White Paper, Cmnd. 2632: And in case it shall hereafter seem meet to the Crown of Great Britain to grant, sell or by any means alienate therefrom the propriety of the said town of Gibraltar, it is hereby agreed and concluded, that the preference of having the same shall always be given to the Crown of Spain before any others. The Constitution of 1964 to which I have referred provided for five additional unofficial members of the Executive, 11 elected and no nominated members of the Legislative Council, and, for the first time, a Chief Minister and a Council of Ministers. To the outside world it looked as though it was the last or next to last sage of normal progression in any British colony—Malta and Cyprus are examples—to final independence within the Commonwealth. This should, therefore, be our starting point in trying to find an accommodation with the Spanish Government. I believe that neither the people of Gibraltar nor the people of this country want to end their association. I believe that they want to maintain the sovereignty of Her Majesty over their Rock as we want to maintain it over this Island. Therefore, there can be no question of transfer of sovereignty, but this must be made clear in such a way as to be understandable to the foreigner and particularly to the Spaniard who feels that he has the first right to the Rock if we should give up our sovereignty.

There are two ways of doing this. The first would be to follow a suggestion put forward by the Maltese some years ago in their relationships with this country. Briefly, it would mean a Member of Parliament for Gibraltar in the House. Presumably, also, it would mean the British system of taxation in Gibraltar, which I am sure would be highly unpopular. I do not, therefore, believe that it would really commend itself, although it is a possibility.

The second suggestion which I put to the hon. Lady is that she should consider the Constitution of the Isle of Man in this context. As I understand it—I have looked into the constitution of the Isle of Man in the last few days—the Isle of Man comes under the Home Office and has nothing to do with the Colonial Office or the Commonwealth Relations Office. Citizens of the Isle of Man are citizens of the United Kingdom, Islands and Colonies. In other words, there is no question of colonial status for the Isle of Man as there is today for the Colony of Gibraltar. It is a possession of Her Majesty overseas. The United Kingdom Government are responsible for foreign affairs and for defence, as they would obviously wish to be in respect of Gibraltar, and as the Gilbraltarians, equally obviously, would wish them to be. The Isle of Man is fully self-governing internally but—I quote from the Central Office of Information pamphlet on the Channel Islands and the Isle of Man— While in domestic affairs the islands virtually form independent democracies, their legislatures do not consist of their assemblies alone but each consists of the Queen, the Privy Council, and the Assembly. Such a constitution would make it perfectly clear to the world that neither we nor Gibraltar ever intended to remove our sovereignty over the Rock. I believe that it would give the Gibraltarians all they want in the way of self-government and also would satisfy our critics in the United Nations. We should give an assurance along these lines and make it clear that we never propose to remove our sovereignty from Gibraltar or allow it to become a small independent State which would obviously be under colossal pressure from potentially hostile neighmours. Such an assurance could, I suggest, be given by preparing a constitution along the lines of the Isle of Man Constitution, transferring the affairs of Gibraltar from the Colonial Office to the Home Office, and in this way we could start to restore the good relations which we all want with Spain. Later, of course, Spain and Britain may become more closely associated in regional pacts or other associations, but, for the moment, I make this proposal as one which could lead to an immediate improvement.

I conclude as I began, following the lines so well expressed by the hon. Member for Brighouse and Spenborough. Whatever happens, we cannot negotiate under duress. Whatever happens, we have a duty and a responsibility to back the people of Gibraltar to the end.

2.25 p.m.

Mr. Dan Jones (Burnley)

I, too, congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Brighouse and Spenborough (Mr. Jackson) on raising this matter at this rather important time. I am truly sorry that the hon. Member for Haltemprice (Mr. Wall), who seemed to concur in the idea of conducting the debate as a non-party matter, trotted out the hoary old story of the frigates. I wish that the House would accept the facts. I was for a time in Gilbraltar, under the aegis of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association. I have spoken with all manner of Gibraltarians, some of them members of the hon. Gentleman's party, and they will not for a moment agree that the affairs of the frigates has anything to do with the matter at all.

The House must come to terms with the situation. This unfortunate episode in our relations with Spain has persisted, with periods of relief, from the time of Her Majesty's visit to Gibraltar in 1954. That is the truth, and there is no person on the Rock who believes any different. The hon. Gentleman's own party there subscribes to that view. I say all this because I am most anxious not to introduce any partisan note knowing only too well that at this moment there are many thousands of wretchedly unhappy people in Gibraltar and—I ask my hon. Friend to accept this—outside Gibraltar, too. There are unhappy people in La Linea, in Algeciras, in San Roque and down the Costa del Sol as far as Málaga. These people have their livelihoods seriously affected by the kind of nonsense now going on at the frontier.

I have had experience myself of the sort of thing which goes on, and I draw attention to one particular matter brought out in the Government's White Paper, the authority for which is no less than the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs. Señor Castiella said that the restrictions on the Gibraltar frontier merely represented measures which any country was entitled to take to prevent smuggling.

I do not accept that Señor Castiella really believes that himself. It is so pathetic, so naive. When we were there, the hon. Member for Hornchurch (Mr. Lagden) and I crossed the frontier without any interference whatever. We put our car in a queue. We could see that the queue had not moved for hours, so we decided to cross on foot. This we did and, in the main square of Algeciras, the hon. Gentleman and I bought a couple of oranges which we then peeled and ate, with, if I may so, rather more ostentation than I would normally show. It was done purely to attract attention to ourselves. When we returned from Algeciras to the frontier, we deliberately chose the wrong exit so that we should be spoken to by the guarda. We were spoken to very courteously by the guarda, we were told which was the correct exit, and through we went.

The point I make is that the hon. Member for Hornchurch and I could have had our pockets full of marijuana, Indian hemp, and all kinds of contraband, but no one bothered us at all. We invited the rest of our party to cross the frontier in the same way, and this they did. There were no murmurs and there was no interference of any kind. Therefore, I feel obliged to say that that statement by the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs is really not sensible. In my view, the Spanish Government should take it upon themselves to withdrawn it.

I have already said that I am concerned not only about the people in Gibraltar, but about the people in La Linea, Algeciras and down as far as Malaga on the Costa del Sol. When we crossed the border in Spain the hon. Member for Hornchurch and myself, and also Mr. Peter Lugard, the Secretary of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association at Gibraltar, went into the shops and also the hotels and had drinks and spoke to the Spaniards. It is true that these people are as unhappy and wretched about this silly dispute as any on the Rock. Their livelihoods are being seriously affected. We said to them, "Surely you can make representations to your Government in Madrid ", but we were told that at no time has Madrid ever thought about the area, that it has always been an isolated corner of Spain which has depended upon the Rock for its economic well-being.

For that reason, I advise the House that we should be concerned not only about our friends on the Rock, but about the Spaniards in that part of Spain. I found them to be very sensible people, just as anxious as the people in Gibraltar to get this unfortunate episode closed. Therefore, the observations of the Spanish Foreign Secretary cannot bear even the most elementary examination.

I turn to another point made by a very representative member of the Spanish Government, Senor de Pinies, who said at the United Nations that Gibraltar was part of Spanish territory and that its present inhabitants had no voice in its future. That claim was made by a responsible Spaniard speaking for his country in a most responsible place, the United Nations. With the hon. Member for Hornchurch and the rest of our delegation, I spoke to all sections of the community in Gibraltar, even boys and girls of 17 and 18 at high school, and we spoke to them in the most exacting way. We asked, "Why is it that you do not want to belong to the mainland of Spain?", making it a challenge to them, and in all cases we found that they had seriously thought the matter out and were very British and wanted to remain with us.

I would ask the House to remember—I put this very seriously—that it is not very long since one of our great Parliamentarians—I have no need to refer to his name—thought that Gibraltar was a vital part of our defences at a time when we desperately needed friends. Friendship is not something that one can dispose of as though it were an old, unwanted garment. We should remember that. As a consequence, these people feel attached to us, and I believe that we are deeply obliged to them.

For that reason, I would make a suggestion in all seriousness to Her Majesty's Government, who, I know, have made the most earnest representations to the Spanish Government. I also know that the Spanish Government have been polite but unrelenting in their reply. I am seeking a way out of this unfortunate, unhappy impasse. I agree with all that my hon. Friend said about the process of alleviation for the people of Gibraltar. But my mind goes further than that. I would like to see the restoration of circumstances in which the people of Spain, as well as the people on the Rock itself, benefit from the association of Spain with the Rock. Because it would appear that Señor de Pinies believes that the people of Gibraltar have no voice in its future, I wonder whether the Government would be prepared to consider holding a plebiscite of the people, conducted by the United Nations and with terms of reference laid down by the Spanish Government as well as our Government.

Her Majesty's Government say that they are not prepared to negotiate under duress, but I have information which leads me to believe that the situation is getting progressively worse. Consequently, I do not think that both sides should sit on their backsides and wait for some good fortune to come along and clear the situation up. Both Governments should recognise that the situation can be cleared up and that the citizens of Gibraltar should have a voice in its future and that that voice should be expressed in an independent manner through the agency to which I have referred. I most sincerely hope that Her Majesty's Government will respond to this suggestion for the reasons which I have given.

I repeat that the people of Gibraltar are getting very unhappy, and not the least of their problems at the moment are not entirely economic. The Rock is a very confined area, and it should he realised that if one is kept there, there is the possibility of the development in time of a kind of geographical claustrophobia, a most unhappy situation to be associated with.

For that reason I hope that Her Majesty's Government will give most serious consideration to my suggestion. At the same time, I assure the Government that moves are being made at the moment—I cannot possibly refer more fully to them—which, I hope, will, in the process of time, make a further contribution to clearing up this most unhappy situation.

Finally, I would tell my many friends in Gibraltar and my many acquaintances in Spain that I hope they will be calm and that they will be well counselled to behave themselves in the manner in which they have hitherto until this unfortunate episode becomes a chapter which has been placed in limbo and forgotten.

2.37 p.m.

Mr. Julian Amery (Preston, North)

The whole House will be grateful to the hon. Member for Brighouse and Spenborough (Mr. Jackson) for giving us the opportunity to discuss this very important problem. I think it well to begin by referring to the fact that Gibraltar has been British longer than it has ever been Spanish.

This is, as the hon. Gentleman pointed out, the fifteenth siege of Gibraltar. It is a blockade that we are facing, not an attempt to control smuggling, as the hon. Member for Burnley (Mr. Dan Jones) pointed out, but a real attempt to interrupt and break down the economic links between the Rock and the mainland of Spain.

The situation seems worse when we recall the very happy relations which existed over many years between Gibraltar and the southern provinces of Spain. I have been visiting southern Spain as a tourist over many years, and my experience was that there was hardly ever a feria, hardly ever a private party in southern Spain which was thought complete unless the Governor of Gibraltar or some of the leading Gibraltarians were present. The happiest relations existed between them. There was a moment of cloud after the Queen's visit in 1954, but that was dispelled, and, on the whole, the best relations existed. What the Spaniards have done now is undoubtedly, in my view, an unfriendly act towards this country.

The hon. Member urged that we should avoid taking up a partisan position on this issue. I join him to this extent in saying that as to what has to be done today and in the future I see no reason for any difference between the parties. But I must speak frankly to him in saying that I think that the Government which he supports carry some responsibility for the situation that has arisen. I do not want to talk about the emotional reaction of the Spaniards to the cancellation of the frigates deal, or the withdrawal from the N.A.T.O. manœuvres, but I think that anyone who has studied the question seriously—I am sure that the hon. Lady will have this in mind—must face the fact that diplomatic commerce between nations depends upon both sides thinking that they have something to gain from cordial co-operation with the other.

The attitude of the Labour Party over the frigates and the withdrawal from the manoeuvres left the impression in Spain, rightly or wrongly, that there was nothing to be got out of working with the new British Government and that, therefore, there was nothing to be lost by twisting our tails. The moral I would draw from that is that we should not let our foreign policy, whatever the ideology of the country with which we are dealing, be guided by ideological considerations. Working with Spain, the Soviet Union, or any other country, whatever we may think of the way it administers its own affairs, it is as well to let the Governments concerned believe, and to ensure, that cooperation with us may be of advantage to both countries.

Having said that, I entirely join with the hon. Member for Burnley in his tribute to the Gibraltarians' way of life. It is a happy community, administered on the kinds of lines which we in this country think are right and from which the Spaniards can have no reason for thinking that we wish to subvert their interests. I should like to pay my own personal tribute to Sir Joshua Hassan for the way he has ridden this very difficult crisis with the help of all parties in the Legislature.

It is a happy change from our debate last Tuesday to be able to congratulate the Government on their White Paper. It has been of great help and has set out the situation very clearly.

At this point I should like to take up some of the issues which have been raised in the debate. My hon. Friend the Member for Haltemprice (Mr. Wall) referred to the Lansdowne Constitution. It is quite clear that no possible breach of the Utrecht Treaty is involved, although whether the Utrecht Treaty could pass as an equal treaty in the United Nations I am not sure. My hon. Friend advocated an Isle of Man constitution for Gibraltar and I hope that the Government will give very serious consideration to that suggestion; although from the point of view of the Utrecht Treaty we have to convince the Spaniards that the authority of the House and of Her Majesty's Government in these islands remains absolute.

This is the present situation, as I understand it, and such delegation of power as we have given to Gibraltar can be revoked at any moment by the House of Commons and Her Majesty's Government. As long as that is the case, there is no reason why the Spaniards should question whether we are fulfilling our obligations under the Treaty of Utrecht.

I must say that I have been disturbed about the passport issue and I know that it has caused the greatest feeling on the Rock. There it is felt that it was wrong for Britain to accept that a passport, issued by an authority duly appointed by the Queen, should be refused. It is not the place of the Opposition to say exactly what the Government should do, but I urge that we should take some counteraction. I do not know why we should accept Spanish passports at our frontiers if British passports, properly issued according to our laws, are rejected at the Spanish frontier. This is a matter which I must leave to the Government, but they ought to consider it very carefully.

The housing of refugees and the importance of helping them have been mentioned. I was very impressed by the work I saw being done on the spot. I was very impressed by the morale of the refugees. I asked one how he was getting on and said that we would hope soon to have the matter settled so that he could go back to his home in La Linea. He said, "After what they have done for me, I would rather stay in this hut". That spirit was typical of the morale of the people there—of their pro-British sentiment.

Rather the same was true of the Spaniards. Having the advantage of speaking some Spanish, I spoke to three or four Spaniards working on the Rock and all were rather ashamed of what was going on, partly because they were no longer allowed to shop in Gibraltar and take goods away, so that their own self-interest was hit, but also because of a feeling that what was going on was wrong because of the friendships which had grown up between people in La Linea and Algeciras and people on the Rock. They thought that this was an uncivilised and unchivalrous way to behave.

We could do a great deal by the encouragement of tourism to Morocco. This year, there was a quite exceptional amount of tourism to Morocco from Britain in the winter, but it was rather luxury tourism, as winter tourism tends to be. However, there are very good facilities for summer tourism, too, on the north coast of Morocco around Tangier. It is not much more expensive than Spain and there are good hotels and restaurants, largely French run. A little help and encouragement from the Government to B.E.A., the shipping lines and the tourist agencies might be able to develop this tourism.

Mr. Dan Jones

This would hurt the people of Algeciras and Malaga even more than the people in Gibraltar.

Mr. Amery

The last thing I want to do is to hurt the people there, but it is our obligation to make sure that Gibraltar survives this very difficult situation; and the Gibraltar economy has been hurt to the extent of about 30 per cent, of its economic life. It is up to us to help Gibraltarians to find alternative ways of earning money.

I have been a little disturbed—and perhaps the hon. Lady would like to comment on this—by the reduction of B.E.A. frequencies to Gibraltar. Nobody can blame the chairman of B.E.A. for saying that he ought to cut down the number of frequencies if the traffic is not there. This is the kind of case, as I recall from my time as Minister of Aviation, when the Government ought to step in and be prepared to support, as we were prepared to support the Highlands and Islands frequencies in this country, although we were never put to the test.

The immigration problem would be very small and I am certain that the Home Secretary will appreciate the special situation of Gibraltar. After all, no possible communal or racial problem would be involved.

The hon. Member for Brighouse and Spenborough advocated further reference to the United Nations, and the hon. Member for Burnley spoke of a plebiscite. They must judge for themselves, but I would be a little cautious about all this. The views of the people of Gibraltar have been clearly expressed by their representative institutions. Our obligations to them and our rights there are crystal clear. What is necessary at this stage, whatever we may think about the origins of the dispute, is that all of us should show an absolutely firm front to the aggression being perpetrated against us.

Reference has been made to Senor Castiella's comment on smuggling. I have made a little study of this. As I understand, smuggling into Europe is organised chiefly from New York and Amsterdam by large international smuggling rings which are, of course, supported by rings in the countries into which the smuggling goes. On the evidence I have seen, smuggling into Spain has been largely assisted by the Spanish provincial authorities. This was not entirely to feather their own nests, but because Spain is a very high tariff country and they have wanted to bring certain goods into the tourist regions at reasonable prices.

This has been a kind of safely valve. But I do not think that Gibraltarians as such have been involved to any significant degree. Gibraltar is a free port, and Gibraltarian merchants sell their goods to traders, whether they be smugglers or legitimate traders. But I can find no evidence of Gibraltarians taking part on a large scale in the smuggling which is going on.

Mr. Jackson

There is smuggling between Ceuta and Algeciras.

Mr. Amery

My information is that a great deal of smuggling goes on in the whole of the Western Mediterranean. But Spain, being a high tariff country, is particularly vulnerable. I do not think that Gibraltarians are in any sense a major factor. The fact that Gibraltar is a free port makes it a place where people buy their wares, whether for smuggling or for legitimate purposes. But this is not the responsibility of the Gibraltar people.

We shall have to show a good deal of patience and firmness in this crisis. I played a little part in getting the restrictions lifted after the Queen's visit. There came a time when the Spaniards needed British help and support in different ways. I will not go into that matter this afternoon. When that time came we were careful to point out that we should be prepared to give the help that they wanted, but that they must lift the restrictions; and the restrictions were lifted.

The only moral which I would draw from this story is that I hope that the Government will not let ideological objections to the present régime in Spain stop them from helping Spain if the opportunity arises, provided that we receive on behalf of our Gibraltar friends proper support and alleviation of the present circumstances. We must conduct our foreign relations with Spain on the same basis as we conduct our relations with other countries and without too much attention being paid to ideological considerations.

As has been pointed out, we have a moral duty to the people of Gibraltar. We have a national interest as well. It is very tempting nowadays to say that because of nuclear strategy, and so on, none of these fortresses has the same importance as before. I am not so sure about that. The Western Mediterranean is now in a much more turbulent state than it has been for many years. New countries have acquired independence. The whole situation is fluid and uncertain. Who would have said, even in 1939, that the liberation of North Africa would be based on Gibraltar? I do not believe that any strategist of that period would have maintained that Gibraltar was a viable base, even in 1939. Yet without Gibraltar we could not have liberated North Africa, and the war might have gone on much longer and the conclusion might have been much more disadvantageous to ourselves.

I should like to express the solidarity of the Opposition with the Government on the basis of the White Paper. Whatever differences we may have about the origin of the crisis, they can be sure that we shall give them our fullest support in standing up firmly to the pressures applied against us and in seeking every opportunity to reach a reasonable accommodation, but one which does not affect in any way the sovereignty of the Rock.

2.54 p.m.

The Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mrs. Eirene White)

I am sure that we are all greatly obliged to my hon. Friend the Member for Brighouse and Spenborough (Mr. Jackson) for taking this opportunity to raise once more in the House the subject of Gibraltar. He has done so in a most lucid and temperate fashion, as we would expect of him, and I hope to answer some of the points which he raised.

It is now just about two months since I was in Gibraltar. Since then the right hon. Member for Preston, North (Mr. J. Amery) has been there. I am sure that both of us would have hoped that by now there would have been a rift in the cloud and that some improvement would be in sight. I do not think that that is so.

I was glad that the right hon. Member for Preston, North was good enough to welcome the publication of the White Paper. We felt, on consideration, that it was only right to Gibraltarians, Her Majesty's Government and our Commonwealth partners, among others, that we should set out clearly on paper the issues at stake and some of the documents concerned so that there should be no dispute about the background. We were also at particular pains in the White Paper to set out the present constitutional position as clearly as was required because we felt that this was the one matter in which possibly the interests of Spain would be thought to be affected.

I entirely agree with the right hon. Member for Preston, North. We do not believe that the present constitution, based on the Lansdowne discussions, contravenes the Treaty of Utrecht in any way, but we thought it only right to spell this out. I would draw the House's attention to page 4 of the White Paper where we make it abundantly clear that although, as we think is right and proper, the people of Gibraltar have been accorded a certain degree of responsibility for their own internal affairs, the basic position of Her Majesty and Her Majesty's Government is in no way altered. In other words, as we see it, the Governor, who is appointed by Her Majesty The Queen and is subject to the direction of Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom, remains the effective head of the Gibraltar Government. It seems to us that that statement should be sufficient to allay any fears or suspicions of the Spanish Government about the present constitution.

As to future constitutional developments, we have no reason to think that anything is required. We have had no request from the Gibraltarians in this respect. We have no intention of undertaking any further developments. As my right hon. and hon. Friends and I have said publicly, we thought that possibly the analogy of Malta might have been in the mind of the Spanish Government and that they might have had some idea that the present constitutional stage of Gibraltar was merely the precursor to a later one. We have said publicly more than once that if they had any apprehensions on that score we should be willing, provided that the discussions could take place in proper circumstances and not under duress, to debate such matters with them and to ensure that any justifiable fears that they might have could be set at rest. Only in that context could any other proposals be discussed.

The hon. Member for Haltemprice (Mr. Wall) suggested an Isle of Man constitution. My hon. Friend the Member for Burnley (Mr. Dan Jones) talked of a plebiscite. At present we do not see any need for change. What is there seems to be working satisfactorily, and subject to any internal readjustment—

Mr. Dan Jones

Does not my hon. Friend think that the idea of a plebiscite which I advanced would give the Spanish Government a very good excuse to enable them to extricate themselves from this position which might not otherwise happen?

Mrs. White

The Spanish Government must give their opinion if they want us to take any such step. There has been no suggestion that such a step would satisfy them any more than the existing arrangement. Nor has there been any suggestion that an Isle of Man constitution would satisfy them.

Mr. Wall

Surely it would satisfy the United Nations. Gibraltar is still a colony, and the United Nations are against colonies. The Isle of Man is not a colony.

Mrs. White

That again is something which might be discussed with the people of Gibraltar who are closely concerned in this matter, to say the least. But it would be pointless to go through an exercise such as that if in the end we were no better off in our relationship with Spain. But I repeat that these are all matters which we are perfectly willing to discuss in proper circumstances. We have made that clear more than once.

Having made that clear, and having, as we had hoped, held out an olive branch in this constitutional matter which, we very much hoped would be accepted in the friendly spirit in which it was offered, one is sorry to have to record that since these offers were made we have had further difficulty. The right hon. Member for Preston, North has mentioned passports. As the House will be aware, the final document in the White Paper was a formal note of protest from my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary on this very matter. We have now received a formal reply to this document but it is still under study. It is full of legal arguments and I am not in a position to say anything further on this point this afternoon. It would in any event, be a matter for one of the Foreign Office Ministers to discuss in detail.

However, I take the point made by the right hon. Gentleman. I know that the whole question of the treatment of passports issued on behalf of Her Majesty, by whatsover officer was empowered to issue them, by certain of the Spanish authorities has caused the gravest offence. It has been felt that this was an insult to Her Majesty. These documents are issued in her name, and as my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary pointed out, the way in which they were treated on certain occasions at La Linea suggested that there had been some improper exercise of the Royal Prerogative. This we entirely rebut and resent.

Exception was taken to a certain phrase about the Government of Gibraltar. Had we been asked for an explanation of this, if the phrase was causing offence, we could have explained that following the passing of the legislation concerning Commonwealth immigration in 1962 a general instruction was sent out to all dependent territories regardless of their constitutional position, whether they were still Crown Colonies, whether they were on the way to becoming independent or whatever other status they had.

For the purposes of the 1962 Act, Her Majesty's consuls in various parts of the world were told that in future passports for citizens of the United Kingdom and Colonies were to be marked "Issued on behalf of the Government of" whatever the territory might be. There was nothing peculiar about this. It had no significance concerning the status of Gibraltar. All this could have been explained in the most friendly and sympathetic way had the matter been raised with us, as one would have hoped between friendly Powers instead of arbitrary action being taken.

I have stressed this a little because I know that it has caused the strongest possible feelings in Gibraltar, not only among Gibraltarians, but by United Kingdom citizens who had their passports renewed in Gibraltar during a certain period. We have of course put this matter right. It was important as a matter of principle, but one might say that it was almost a petty matter. We have altered the wording of new passports and replaced passports which might have caused trouble to the holder, and I am happy to report to the House that during this month only one passport has so far been queried on these grounds at the frontier. It has, however, meant a lot of bother and trouble to those concerned.

Mr. J. Amery

Am I to understand that a number have been allowed to pass?

Mrs. White

No. We have issued fresh passports, removing the phrase to which objection had been taken. To my mind, it seems an absurdly unnecessary exercise, but rather than have either people put to difficulty or documents issued in the name of Her Majesty insulted, it seemed to us that it was the practical thing to do, and we have done it. But this is not the kind of thing which leads to friendly relations between countries which, one would hope, would be friendly.

Another point which I must also mention and which we very much regret, and which has also been touched upon by the right hon. Member for Preston, North and my hon. Friend the Member for Burnley, is the allegation of smuggling. This also has aroused feelings in Gibraltar. Some hon. Members may have seen the document issued by the Gibraltar Chamber of Commerce, which feels that its honour has been impugned by this allegation, which was given extremely wide currency in this country in an interview on "Panorama" on B.B.C. on 22nd February by a Minister of the Spanish Government, the Minister of Information and Tourism, who surely should have been in a better position to know the facts and should never have given currency to inaccuracies which were extremely damaging to the good name of Gibraltar. He said, for example, that nearly 1,000 smuggling boats have been captured near Gibraltar, 40 by Spain in recent months. Even if the 1,000 was a slip and he meant 100—I give him the credit of dividing it by ten—he mentioned 40 by Spain in recent months". Our records indicate that since 1960—not in recent months, but over a period of four and a half years—some 37 vessels sailing from Gibraltar have been taken into custody by Spain or other Mediterranean countries for alleged smuggling. Thirty-seven since 1960 by Spain and other countries is very different from 40 by Spain in recent months.

The Spanish Minister of Information and Tourism then made a particularly hurtful suggestion that there was smuggling of marijuana from Gibraltar. To the best of our knowledge and belief, this is simply untrue. Such smuggling as there is of this obnoxious drug has been taking place from Ceuta and other places in North Africa, and not Gibraltar. We object strongly to a Minister in the Spanish Government making these public allegations. It is only right that we should rebut them.

There were various suggestions about cigarettes, whisky, and so on. Here again, the Spanish Government must know perfectly well that Gibraltar does not manufacture cigarettes. The comparisons that were given in the interview would, in any event, be invalid compared with a country which manufactured its cigarettes from imported tobacco. Quite apart from that, Gibraltar is a port at which many ships call, including a large number of tourist and cruise ships. Gibraltar also supplies other parts of the Mediterranean area with re-exports of large quantities of these commodities. I repeat that we have no reason to support that there is any large-scale smuggling from Gibraltar.

There is the occasional smuggling, which we are doing our best to stop as far as we can. The right hon. Member for Preston, North is perfectly correct. Some of it is done, if it is done at all, with the connivance of those on the Spanish side of the frontier. Again, however, we have offered and are willing to discuss with the Spanish authorities anything which they think would be helpful if this traffic is against their interests.

I turn now to matters to which my hon. Friend the Member for Brighouse and Spenborough, who opened the debate, asked me to refer concerning the well-being of the Gibraltarians. As the House will recall, my right hon. Friend the Colonial Secretary asked his Senior Economic Adviser, Mr. Selwyn, to go to Gibraltar and make an analysis of the situation there. As I announced to the House in reply to a recent Question, the Gibraltar Government have decided to create a new post of Financial and Development Secretary. The officer will be taking up his duties in that position on 1st May, but he is already on the staff of the Government and he has already completed his examination of the Selwyn Report. This is now being considered in detail by the Council of Ministers.

We have said, and we repeat, that Her Majesty's Government, when requested by the Government of Gibraltar, will be glad to give assistance. We recognise, for example, that the housing of those who have had to leave their homes in Spain is bound to place an extra burden on the Government of Gibraltar. I do not think that the schooling will make very much difference, because a number of the children concerned came to Gibraltar in any event for education. I do not think that that is very much of a problem.

We must also make it clear that Gibraltar also has its own housing difficulties, and the two sides of this problem must be taken together. We would therefore actually earmark money for housing to assist the housing problem in general. Under the existing Colonial Development and Welfare Act two grants have been made, each of £100,000, one for 58 new flats to be constructed in the North Front District, and the other to cover the construction of a new secondary modern school for 350 boys in that area where housing development is taking place.

I am not in a position to say very much about the allocation of aid under the new Overseas Development Bill, because it has not yet been enacted. All that I can do is to assure the Government of Gibraltar that over the first three years of the five years for which that Bill will run they will have at least half as much again in aid as they have been receiving in the latest period. We are not in a position to state the final allocation, but they can count on at least that level.

As regards technical assistance, Mr. Selwyn recommended that various matters should be looked at by experts, including land use, tourism, and so on. We have had a specific request for assistance with the establishment of a Development Corporation for Gibraltar. The Commonwealth Development Corporation has agreed to two of its officers going to Gibraltar next month to look carefully at the possibility of establishing an organisation and development corporation which will help with development there. There is also an expert on tourist facilities, development and reclamation of beaches, and so on, in Gibraltar at the present time.

We have also received co-operation from the Service Departments on the question raised by my hon. Friend of vacating the central areas of Gibraltar. They are doing this, although it must be recognised that some of the buildings have to be used at the moment for the temporary housing of refugees, and that the clearing and rebuilding will have to be carefully phased. In the meantime new married quarters have recently been completed. A further 272 are planned, and tenders are out for these new married quarters which will relieve space in the central areas which will be vacated.

At the moment the number of British subjects accommodated by the Gibraltar Government—some, of course, have had to find private accommodation—is almost 500. Some are still living in dormitories. The urgent need is to get them out of dormitories into accommodation in which some kind of family life is possible. In co-operation with the Gibraltar Government we are pressing ahead in these matters.

We are concerned about the effect of the restrictions on the tourist industry, and I hope very much that the various tourist firms will take note of what has been said by my hon. Friend, and by the right hon. Gentleman, too, as to the possibility of developing the tourist trade further with North Africa. It seems to me that there are distinct possibilities there.

We are also concerned that Gibraltar itself should improve its own facilities as a tourist resort. When completed, the new aerial ropeway will provide one of the finest views in the Mediterranean. It will not be ready for this season, but will be completed early next year in time for the next season, and should prove a great attraction for cruise ships and other ships to call in at Gibraltar. We have been in touch with shipping organisations in this country, and we hope that greater use will be made of the bunkering and other facilities in Gibraltar.

Although air traffic between the United Kingdom and Gibraltar has naturally fallen off, B.E.A. has been at pains to maintain a regular air service to Gibraltar and has, in the view of the Government, acted most responsibly. Although B.E.A. has been unable to increase services to the planned 15 a week this summer, it will operate 11 services, which is one more than the winter service. This is not a cut in the service. It is just that the summer service is not being increased to the extent that it was last year. I emphasise that there has been no cut in the service, and I hope that this will be fully understood. It is just that the increase this summer will not be of the order of the increase last summer.

Mr. J. Amery

I hope that what the hon. Lady has said will be clearly understood by the Press, because the Press has given an impression of a cut in the service. What the hon. Lady has said is very encouraging, and I am glad to hear it.

Mrs. White

I want to emphasise this, because, from the Press announcement, one would suppose that there had been a cut. That is not so. There is a slight increase of one service a week. The increase is not of the order that one would have hoped for. It is not as large as the increase last summer.

There are various other ways in which we hope we may be able to assist the people of Gibraltar during this difficult time. We are glad to have expressions from both sides of the House of our determination to do all that we can to help them, but what we all hope for is that this unhappy situation will be brought to an end. With regard to two matters which I have mentioned, the constitutional question and smuggling, we shall be happy to have constructive discussions with representatives of the Spanish Government, but I am sure they will appreciate that we cannot be expected to enter into discussions until we see some sign that these arbitrary restrictions will be removed.