JAMAICA INDEPENDENCE BILL

HC Deb 31 May 1962 vol 660 cc1614-44

Order for Second Reading read.

4.27 p.m.

The Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Reginald Maudling)

I beg to move, That the Bill be now read a Second time.

I have it in Command from the Queen to acquaint the House that Her Majesty, having been informed of the purport of the Bill, has consented to place Her prerogative and interest, so far as they are affected by the Bill, at the disposal of Parliament for the purposes of the Bill.

The purpose of the Bill is simple. In the words of the Preamble, it is to make provision for, and in connection with, the attainment by Jamaica of fully responsible status within the Commonwealth. I have no doubt that all hon. Members on both sides of the House will welcome the attainment by Jamaica of independence and will welcome the unanimous desire of all parties in Jamaica to remain within the Commonwealth.

It is some 300 years or more since the first relations between this country and Jamaica were established, and I believe that the first Jamaica Constitution was established exactly 300 years ago. At that time the population of the island was about 3,000, and I believe that piracy was one of the main and most popular occupations. Since then we have seen a development of the island to a great population and considerable economic potential. There was the introduction of the sugar industry with the difficulties which followed in the 19th century, succeeded by coffee production, and now in Jamaica they have not merely the basic products of coffee and sugar but bauxite on a very large scale, industrial development and the latest and very encouraging development of a substantial tourist trade.

I feel that we can therefore feel that Jamaica will start her career as an independent nation with considerable economic resources and in many ways I would say stronger economically than a number of countries already enjoying their independence. Of course we all know that many economic and social problems remain. In particular the unemployment problem is serious. But the basic economy of Jamaica is strong and the prospects of development can be considerable. Hon. Members will also recognise the political maturity of the people of Jamaica which, along with economic strength, is so important to sound development of a new independent nation.

The people of the island are lucky in having Sir Alexander Bustamante and Mr. Manley, two outstanding political figures who add colour and freshness of ideas to the political scene in the Caribbean. They, in turn, are fortunate in having in Jamaica a Civil Service of very high quality indeed, to which we should pay tribute on this occasion and to which British civil servants over the years have made a very considerable contribution. There is in Jamaica a degree of political maturity and political stability and an absence of racial tension which may well be envied by many other territories in this part of the world.

Perhaps the best proof of political maturity in Jamaica was the success of the recent Conference at which we decided upon the Constitution for, and the date of, independence. Because the two main parties before the Conference had voluntarily come to such a very wide measure of agreement amongst themselves, the Conference was able to proceed very quickly to complete agreement.

So we have this Bill today to provide for the independence of Jamaica. It is in the form of a number of independence Bills which have been before the House this year and in recent years. It will be succeeded by many others. All these Bills are the best answer to those who in some parts of the world seem to think that we in this country need to be taught the fundamental principles of democracy and individual freedom. Over a period we have constantly brought forward and are bringing forward our dependent Territories to full self-government and independence within the British Commonwealth of nations.

The Bill is a very brief one. I do not think that I need go into any detail about it. Clause 1 provides for fully responsible status for Jamaica. Clause 2 deals with the citizenship question on the lines already embodied in several previous independence Bills. There is one particular point only to which I would call the attention of the House. That is the position of the Caymans, the Turks and the Caicos. These islands have been largely linked with Jamaica. With the impending independence of Jamaica we asked them what they would like to do in future. After considerable public debate, in both cases they decided that they wished to remain Colonies of the British Crown. We naturally acceded to that request. I would only add that I am sure that the help that the Government of Jamaica have generously given to the Caymans, the Turks and the Caicos wild continue in the future as it has in the past, even though that constitutional link has been severed with the independence of Jamaica.

It only remains for me to express, as I am sure I can on behalf of the House as a whole, a tribute to all, both in Jamaica and from this country, who have played a part in bringing the islands to the stage of launching upon independence with such considerable confidence and with such high hopes for the future, and to wish to the leaders and people of Jamaica every possible success and prosperity.

4.43 p.m.

Mr. John Strachey (Dundee, West)

This is, as the Colonial Secretary has just said, one more independence Bill which comes before the House. With it we say "farewell" to one more Colony and "welcome" to one more member of the Commonwealth. There is a special background to this Bill. It is in some respects an unhappy background. I refer to the breakdown of the West Indies Federation. We certainly do not on this occasion wish to go over all that very unhappy story. All I would say about it is that we hope and believe that Jamaica, while not cutting herself off from this country and the Commonwealth, will also not cut herself off from the rest of the West Indies and that she will continue to give help to members in all other parts of the West Indies which are not so highly developed as she is. In a sense, we hope that she will play the same role in the future in regard to the smaller islands of the West Indies as we play in regard to her. She should be a local leader in the area.

I turn to the prospects for Jamaica. She has, like all these newly independent territories, her problems and her assets. The Colonial Secretary mentioned that when the British first came to Jamaica she had a population of only about 3,000. Her economists may look back with some nostalgia to that time, because today her gravest problem is, I suppose, one of over-population. We certainly urge the Government, as we have on so many occasions, that reasonable access at any rate should remain for her immigrants to this country.

She has many other difficult legacies. We cannot fail to recall the fact that before the last war the West Indies as a whole, and Jamaica herself, was what I can only call an Imperial slum. The lack of development was appalling. It the Moyne Report on the West Indies which in many ways began the new phrase of Commonwealth development in which we are still engaged. Therefore, one does not for one moment underestimate the difficulties of the new members of the Commonwealth.

As the Colonial Secretary has said, she has real assets. She is a relatively sophisticated community. She has a fine university. It is the University of the West Indies, but still it is in Jamaica and it is a great asset to the island. She has as the principal of that university Professor Arthur Lewis, who is well known to so many in this House, and who I think can be considered an asset in himself, for he is perhaps the founder of the science of economic development in underdeveloped areas. I remember the intense excitement when I first read that remarkable book of his,The Theory of Economic Growth.He will have plenty of scope for the practical application of his ideas in the West Indies.

As the Colonial Secretary has also said, industrial development and industrialisation generally has on the whole made a promising start in the island. Industrial development, though, is only one side of the picture. I should like the Government to tell us something about the safeguards for the basic agricultural activities in the island What I have above all in mind is the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement, which is of such tremendous importance to the island. If its provisions were to be gravely whittled away, it could easily undo any assistance which we can give to the island.

The Colonial Secretary mentioned that in the days when we first went there piracy was the chief occupation. He also said that today tourism is an important activity. Some people might see some relation between the two activities. Nevertheless, I, for one, wish well to those who conduct the tourist industry in the island, and I do not grudge them the sums which they can extract from the international rich.

More seriously, the success of this new member of the Commonwealth is of the utmost importance, not only to the people of Jamaica, but to us and to the world as a whole. It will profoundly affect the whole development of the Caribbean and, as I understand it, that will profoundly affect development all over South America. In this area of the world, where the United States of America is perhaps even more closely concerned than we are, the successful development of a stable democratic government in this newly independent country is of enormous world-wide importance. I very much hope that United States capital and development will continue to be active in the island, because every form of development will certainly be needed with its population growth.

I would put to the Colonial Secretary one specific point concerned with our own continuing share, as I trust it will be, in the economic development of Jamaica It is a point that I have raised before— the ability of the Colonial Development Corporation to initiate new schemes in these newly independent countries. I believe this to be a matter of cardinal importance. The right hon. Gentleman, I was glad to hear, said that he was considering it; but so far as we know, he and the Government as a whole have not come to a decision on it, and we should perhaps take this opportunity to press them on this matter.

The Colonial Development Corporation has just issued its Report and Accounts for 1961. It is a most encouraging document. I was one of those who took part in piloting through the House the Bill which set up the Corporation. It has had its difficulties, but it is a great satisfaction to us to read this Report and Accounts and to find that newspapers which twelve years ago were foremost in their attacks on the Colonial Development Corporation are now congratulating it and regarding it for what it is— a very great national asset.

Of course, the activities of the Corporation are in danger of contracting. On its present basis, where it is allowed to initiate schemes in the remaining Colonies only, this must he an ever narrowing field of activity. The Corporation itself, quite obviously, considers this to be so. In its Report it tells us, in page 10, paragraph 6, that in effect the limiting factor is not in the amount of capital which it can command but the finding of new schemes in the contracted area of the remaining Colonies, and that it is being hampered and confined by this consideration.

To return to the instance of Jamaica, the Corporation has half-a-dozen excellent schemes in Jamaica and it will, of course, be able to continue these, but it may well wish to develop new schemes there which may be even more valuable than the existing ones. I think that it would be most irrational that it should develop only the existing schemes without weighing against that the desirability, with the necessarily limited amount of capital that it can put into Jamaica, of starting new schemes which might be even more valuable. We feel, therefore, very strongly on this side of the House that it is time that the Government made up their minds on this issue of the ability of C.D.C. to initiate schemes in the independent Commonwealth.

With that main issue which I put to the Government, it remains for me, on behalf, I am sure, of every single hon. Member on this side of the House, to wish the greatest success and good fortune to this new member of the Commonwealth.

4.45 p.m.

Mr. Nigel Fisher (Surbiton):

I am sure that the House feels this is not the occasion for long speeches; in fact we have had two very short speeches from the Front Benches. I should like very briefly from the back benches to express support for the Second Reading of the Bill.

The granting of independence to any Colonial Territory is, of course, always a matter for rejoicing and congratulation, not only in the territory concerned but in the House of Commons and in the United Kingdom; but one should, perhaps, recall on this occasion that it must be tempered by a regret felt, I know, on both sides of the House that we are passing legislation today designed to give Jamaica independence in isolation, instead, as we had all hoped, as the most important component territory in a wider and federated West Indian nation.

We discussed these matters in a valedictory debate not long ago in which we analysed and argued the reasons for the sad break-up of the Federation, and I agree with the right hon. Member for Dundee, West (Mr. Strachey) that it would be redundant and, I think, unsuitable on this occasion to go over all that ground again. We have to look forward now to the future and not back to the past and we can only hope that the formation of the smaller federation of the "little Eight" and more especially the prospect of the shared services in the British Caribbean will in the end produce a form of association. Whether it will be political or only economic we cannot yet tell, but it will be built on the free choice of these sensible and charming West Indian people who, I hope, will one day want to came together again in a lasting union to form a new nation.

In the meantime, Jamaica starts on this great adventure of nationhood alone. She is well fitted for that responsibility. She is politically mature, as is evidenced by her two-party system which works extremely well in Jamaica— better than in most of our ex-Colonial Territories— and as, indeed, was shown by the great success of the constitutional conference in London which was founded on the excellent working together of the Opposition and the then Government in Jamaica just before its representatives came here. That was an example of her political maturity to which we should pay tribute, and it gives us great encouragement for the future of this newly independent territory.

Mr. Donald Chapman (Birmingham, Northfield)

And a model Constitution.

Mr. Fisher

It was a model Constitution for this size of territory. Jamaica is just of a size and just of an economic viability to sustain the burdens of nationhood, but not, I think, with very much to spare in this respect, although the industrial development in and around the Kingston area is most impressive. I feel that she will still need some help of the kind the right hon. Gentleman suggested and many of us on these benches as well as on those opposite feel very strongly that the operations of C.D.C. should be allowed to continue in the way he described. My hon. Friend the Member for Somerset, North (Mr. Leather) has been pressing for that for a long time, as many of us on both sides of the House have done.

Jamaica is one of our oldest Colonies, if not the oldest, and we are fortunate that she is still intensely loyal to the Crown and to the Commonwealth connection. I am sure that she will prove a bulwark of stability and progress throughout the Caribbean area. Those of us who know Jamaica well and love the island and her delightful and friendly people will all wish her well in the exciting years ahead and we are certain that she will justify all the high hopes we have for her.

4.50 p.m.

Mr. James Griffiths (Llanelly)

The Secretary of State referred to the earlier association of this country with Jamaica, and as one of my compatriots, Henry Morgan, was one of the pirates associated with the island, it may be appropriate that a Welshman should wish Jamaica well on the attainment of her independence. We hope that it will not close her mind to still closer association with the other islands of the West Indies. I have visited some of the islands there but, to my deep regret, a three-line Whip from this House prevented me from going on to Jamaica. I went out on that occasion on behalf of my own party, which helped to found the Federal Labour Party, and I look forward with intense interest to the future of the West Indies. Let us hope that a federation will emerge again.

I very strongly suport what has been said by my right hon. Friend the Member for Dundee, West (Mr. Strachey) and by the hon. Member for Surbiton (Mr. Fisher) about the Colonial Development Corporation, which has played a not unimportant part in Jamaica's indus- trial and economic development in the last few years. The Corporation has quite a number of very important ventures still going on there, and it is important to Jamaica that we should get clear the Corporation's present position.

I understand that where the C.D.C. has already established industries or services in a territory existing legislation permits it to maintain them on the territory's attainment of independence. If it were found, as might be the case with Jamaica or elsewhere, that it would be of benefit to develop and expand an industry that has been established by the C.D.C., as well as benefiting the economy as a whole, would that work be regarded as a continuance of work begun before independence and, therefore, still within the scope of the Corporation? Or is that work shut out? I hope that Her Majesty's Government will at least go as far as to regard it as a continuance of the work. I should like them to go much further. If they did, I am sure that their change of mind would meet with the approval of both sides of the House.

I think that it is time to change the name of the Corporation, to enlarge its functions, and to use it as, perhaps, the most important instrument we have of channelling aid to the newly independent countries. The C.D.C. has had its successes and failures, as was bound to be the case in the uncertain conditions that at first prevailed. It has built up a body of knowledge and "know-how" both at home and among its servants all over the Colonies and the now independent territories, and it would be a very great shame to allow it to disintegrate.

What will happen to the C.D.C.? Its world is shrinking all the time. It has a very fine organisation and fine personnel. It has men and women who have gathered a great deal of experience. To allow it just to fade away would be to do a very grave disservice to everyone. I therefore hope that the Under-Secretary will be able to tell the House that the Government are having second thoughts. If not, I trust that when, in the not-too-distant future, my colleagues are back on the Treasury bench, the future of the C.D.C. will be one of the first things they deal with.

We all welcome Jamaica's independence, but we realise what it means. I think that it was President Truman who described the great revolution that is going on all over the world— of which Jamaica's independence is one example — as a revolution of rising expectations. When people get independence they begin to ask, "What does it mean?" Its success or failure will very largely depend on whether, by political independence and a true democratic system, we can raise the standard of living.

Everyone who has seen the West Indies loves them, and loves their people, but the problems of the poverty of the underdeveloped world are there at their greatest. They are almost intractable. It is to be hoped that after five or ten years' of independence, the standard of life will have so risen that democracy is seen to be not just the right to vote people into Parliament but a means of raising the standard of living by the harnessing of resources, with aid coming from outside. I am sure that the Corporation could play a very big part in that achievement.

What will happen to the small islands that are still excluded? In 1945 there were 600 million people in the British Empire, under Colonial rule. The fact that there now remain only 20 million is one of the greatest silent revolutions that has ever taken place. I believe that there are now only two problems left. There is the problem of the multiracial communities, about which the Home Secretary spoke this afternoon and on which I shall not now dwell. There is also the question of the smaller territories that remain. They are quite as much entitled to independence as any other country; democratic independence should not depend on numbers. What are we to do about those territories? If, as I hope, we can soon settle the problem of Central Africa and of Kenya there will remain to be dealt with the smaller islands— Malta, Mauritius, the Seychelles and the Cayman Islands. They, too, are moved by this wind of change and by the desire for independence.

Are the Government giving any attention to that aspect? I commend for the study of the Under-Secretary a pamphlet produced by a committee of my party, of which I was a member, in which we foresaw the time when the major problem left would be that of the smaller terri- tories. They are, perhaps, too small to become really effectively independent on their own, having neither the population nor the resources to meet all the demands and deal with all the problems that face modern nationhood.

In that pamphlet we suggested that we should provide in a new way the old concept of Dominion status, enabling those territories to make their own arrangements with any other countries, and assisting them to fulfil the functions of a modern nation. It is time this House gave consideration to this matter, and I would hope that at some time— if not in this Session perhaps in the next— we could devote a day to considering the remainder of the task of transforming an Empire into a Commonwealth. I hope that the Under-Secretary will say something about that.

It only remains for me to wish well of Jamaica and its political leaders, Government and Opposition, and to hope that independence will not only be sustained and maintained but that, through their democratic system, they can demonstrate that this revolution of rising expectations can be met by a democracy. If I may say so as a democrat by temperament, nature and everything else, that will be the real test of whether democracy can mean something real and tangible to the multitudes everywhere. I therefore hope that the Under-Secretary will listen to the pleas that have been made to help the Colonial Development Corporation play its full part in making Jamaica the success we will all want it to be.

5.0 p.m.

Miss Joan Vickers (Plymouth, Devonport)

I am glad to have this opportunity to say, "Thank you" to the people of Jamaica for the happy and instructive tour I had of the island with the hon. Member for Flint, East (Mrs. White) when we went there recently. We were delighted to find, despite our slight regret at the ending of the Federation, that Jamaica was on her way to independence. What struck us most was the tremendous courtesy and delightful manner with which we were received. It was also good to find that there were no racial difficulties, and this should help Jamaica in the future. I am delighted to know that she intends to remain a member of the Commonwealth, and I am sure that every hon. Member will give her a very great welcome.

I want to follow one or two points that have been made by other hon. Members, especially concerning the Industrial Development Corporation. I was very impressed by the work that is being done by this body. One of the greatest difficulties that will face Jamaica, with her rising population, is the question of unemployment. I was, therefore, impressed by the fact that a number of firms are now going out there. Even Royal Worcester China is about to open a factory there. The making of brassieres seems to be a major industry; "uplift" is on the way. I was fascinated by the number of these being made there today. Cloth is also being made, and various other industries are going into production. I hope that others will receive help and encouragement from Her Majesty's Government in the future. After Jamaica becomes independent on 6th August we must provide help for the employment of her population.

The right hon. Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) referred to the Colonial Development Corporation. One of the greatest difficulties in Jamaica is housing, and this has been tackled very well by the Corporation. If, between now and 6th August, the Corporation obtains a considerable amount of land, I should like to know whether it will be allowed to develop it after Jamaica's independence. I understand that if the Corporation has begun a project before independence it is allowed to continue, and if it could obtain land it would be of great benefit to the island.

Clause 2 (2,b), dealing with citizenship, provides that a person shall cease to be a citizen of the United Kingdom and Colonies if he, his father or his father's father was born in Jamaica. I would draw my hon. Friend's attention to the fact that in Jamaica there are such things as common law wives, and there is also a rather different idea about marriage and children. There is a matriarchal system, and I am not sure that in all cases it would be possible to trace a person's father or even his father's father. In those circumstances, I hope that my hon. Friend will consider whether another subsection can be added referring to the children of women, who, perhaps owing to the system— and, after all, we were responsible for introducing it in the days of slave trading— may become citizens when the Bill becomes an Act.

I also have a question concerning the Second Schedule, in relation to divorce. Many Jamaicans now living in this countries have been living here for a number of years, and in some cases they may have maintenance orders. I should like to know whether there will be reciprocal arrangements in such matters between this country and Jamaica. That is a very important point.

When I was in Jamaica I was very impressed by the number of voluntary organisations and social services. The hon. Member for Flint, East and I had a good opportunity of seeing them working and I hope that they will continue to work. One of the things that we have learnt is that although we now have a welfare society we have been able to retain the interest of our citizens in voluntary work and I hope that this will continue in Jamaica when she becomes independent.

I hope that Jamaica will recognise the great benefit that she has received from business interests. Sugar and bauxite have been mentioned. Unfortunately, a number of countries, on becoming independent, have thought it a good idea to nationalise such industries. I hope that this will not be the case in Jamaica, because it will not benefit the people of their country.

Jamaica has been fortunate in having some excellent Governors and I pay tribute to the present one, Sir Kenneth Blackburne. He has been an outstanding success, especially when we remember that he has presided in what has not been one of the easiest of periods— during the time of the independence negotiations. With his great sincerity, patience and understanding of the people of Jamaica he has played a tremendous part in the process.

The hon. Member for Flint, East and I received a deputation of overseas civil servants. When Jamaica becomes independent I hope that, like many other Commonwealth countries, she will remember the tremendous amount of help that has been given her by people from this country in the past, and that she will pay tribute to this help by giving these civil servants security in the future by seeing that their services are well rewarded.

Hon. Members have expressed their sorrow at the ending of the Caribbean Federation. Recently, we had the conference of the "little Eight" and we hope to obtain full federation at least amongst them. I sincerely hope that Jamaica will do all she can to keep the common services in being, and will take the lead in forming a Caribbean Common Market. If all these territories are to benefit in the future they must work together, and when Jamaica becomes independent I hope that she will take the lead.

I am glad that I had an opportunity to visit Jamaica before this Bill was presented, because it has enabled me to pay my tribute to her and to wish her success in the future.

5.9 p.m.

Mr. Donald Chapman (Birmingham, Northfield)

I welcome the Bill. This is a very pleasant occasion for those who take an interest in the Caribbean. Like some other hon. Members, I know Jamaica intimately, and I am proud to have what might almost be called a multitude of friends there— ordinary citizens, social workers, Ministers, Members of Parliament and administrators— among the wonderful people that make up the community of that island. I was there for a couple of months last year, doing nothing else but study the economic development and seeing the mountains of work that lies ahead of the island in the next ten years— trying to piece together for myself the problems that the island will inevitably have to face, and to examine some of the solutions that are being put into practice. When one looks at the island today one sees that there are going to be some sticky days ahead although the outlook will be fair in the long run.

One of the most delightful things that happened to me when I was in Jamaica was that I held a political surgery. So many people there wanted to put forward their ideas about Jamaica's future, about migration and so on and wished to question me, tell me of their ideas and desires, that I held a political surgery, such as hon. Members conduct in their constituencies. As I say, this was one of the most delightful experiences of my life; crowds of Kingston people crowding around me, putting their views about Britain, the Commonwealth, Jamaica, migration and dozens of other problems. I was happy to feel that I was not only a Member of Parliament representing my own constituency, but that I also, so to speak, represented that far flung part of the world in the British Parliament.

The Colonial Secretary, in moving the Second Reading, mentioned that Jamaica was particularly ready for independence and that she had a number of fortunate factors helping her to face the future with confidence. He mentioned the mature party system that exists in that country. That is so true. We have just witnessed the peaceable change of government which, frankly, none of us expected. It was apparent, after the results of the election, that the electorate had quietly made up its mind to change the Government. The whole thing was completed peacefully and the new Government took over and we now have the former government as a vigorous opposition— all in the British pattern of vigour and democratic restraint. It is indeed also true that there is no racialism there. All the racialist candidates were defeated in that election and that was a happy event.

The Commonwealth Secretary mentioned the wealth of leadership. Jamaica is fortunate in having leadership on a scale which is possessed by hardly any other Colony of its size in the Commonwealth. It is surprising, considering her population of 1. 7 million people, to realise the number of leaders that that country has thrown up, which is indeed a most fortunate fact for Jamaica.

There is Sir Alexander Bustamente, the present Prime Minister, flamboyant, impish, dramatic— liberator, if you like — freedom fighter, one of the greatest of our time. He is devoted to caring for the ordinary man in Jamaica. His opposite number, Mr. Norman Manley, is a very different person, a man who is deliberate and who speaks in measured phrases. In my view he is, without doubt, among our world statesmen. As the local paper, the Jamaica Gleaner, stated: On these two men is centred the success of democracy in Jamaica How lucky Jamaica is to have two such men to have brought that country to its present position with such satisfactory working of a democratic system.

There is one rather funny story I remember most about these two men. It was told to me by Sir Alexander Bustamente when speaking about the vigour of political interchange in Jamaica. I had thought previously that this sort of thing could hardly happen in even the most mature democracy. Roughly, the story goes— although I do not remember the exact figures because it was told to me some time ago— that during an election Mr. Manley, when speaking over the loudspeakers, said that it was scandalous and suspicious that while Sir Alexander had at one time had only one car and £ 5,000 in the bank, after some years in government he had two cars and £ 10,000 in the bank. As I say, I forget the exact figures. Sir Alexander said to me "I issued a writ for libel immediately— because, in fact, I have four cars and £ 50,000 in the bank". This is the sort of interchange and fight that goes on among these two Jamaican leaders and I was extremely pleased, when the story was told to me, that it roused their sense of amusement.

Regarding economic growth, Jamaica is fortunate because in the last ten years she has been developing at the record rate of about 6 per cent. per annum, in real terms. This is the highest rate in the whole area, apart from Puerto Rico, and is an astounding achievement. In the last four to six years Jamaica's industrial expansion has gone on at a tremendous rate. Industrial output is, in fact, half again as great as it was in 1956 and last year manufacturing output equalled agricultural output for the first time. This is a fantastic rate of growth in such a short period and we are reaching the position when Jamaica is, at last, beginning to take off— just about to leave the ground, to use the economists' jargon. As the Americans would have it, Jamaica's economy has moved from an underdeveloped economy to a partially developed one. It is in that light that we must consider Jamaica's problems.

Realising this rate of growth we must, as has been said, consider what may well be her major problem; that as soon as one gets the conditions of a rural slum relieved in a developing country the expectations rise faster than the opportunities of satisfying them. This is Jamaica's problem today. These is a cry for an increasing rate of material improvement, faster than it can be provided, particularly with the population pressure.

The thing that is so heartening to me, and I say this categorically, is the extent of American and Canadian interest in developing Jamaica. We must give every possible encouragement to this trend. In the coming year America is to help Jamaica to the tune of £ 2½ million to be invested in housing, water supply and agricultural credit. I am referring to £ 2— million in twelve months and this covens the fact that there are longer-term plans for further help.

Canada has already invested between 200 million and 250 million dollars in Jamaica. How fine it is to see our Canadian friends in the Commonwealth helping Jamaica along to this extent. How good to see America realising that she can do so much to help this part of the world.

Jamaica is now working to a ten-year plan. At the end of that period we are hoping that there will be some chance of seeing an end to unemployment and the ability to contain the growth of population. If that can be done it will represent a magnificent achievement.

Having reflected for many months and having studied as hard as I could Jamaica's problems, I now wish to make four deliberate suggestions to the Government so that we may remember certain things as we pass the Bill.

First, as the hon. Member for Plymouth, Devonport (Miss Vickers) said, we must at all costs go on encouraging British private investment. After all, last year British private investment in Jamaica totalled only £ 2½ million. That was certainly not a great deal and, as I have shown, the American Government alone are helping Jamaica to the tune of the same figure in the coming twelve months. We should be doing better than we are in terms of private investment as well as in further Government aid.

Do not let us east Jamaica off today by thinking merely of her independence and imagining that our material and financial responsibilities are going to be reduced. They are not. They will be as great as ever, and we must do our share to help Jamaica along if her unemployment problem is to be conquered during the ten-year plan.

Secondly, we must remember that the Caribbean Commission is now beginning work on the economic development of the whole Caribbean region. The British Government must be willing to give every possible assistance. It has been suggested, rightly, I think, that in setting forth on a development plan for the Caribbean region one of the first things to do is to compare notes with the people who have been responsible for the Colombo development plan. How good it would be if we could learn for Jamaica and the Caribbean what has been learned in the initial period of the Colombo Plan in South-East Asia. This will be another of our great responsibilities, to help to prevent any failure of democracy in the Caribbean to raise the living standards of the people there and so secure the area against Communism or similar creeds.

I do not want to raise controversies about the Commonwealth Immigrants Act, but we must realise, in passing the Bill, that there are grave problems of migration from Jamaica. This is the third factor of importance which we must keep before us. Emigration is Jamaica's safety valve until economic development is proceeding at a pace which will contain the growth of population. If the early working of the Act is to mean that the numbers leaving Jamaica will not be significant, then we must assist Jamaica to find alternative outlets. By "significant" I mean at least 20,000 or 30.000 a year, since that is the number of people who must leave Jamaica, in my view, in order to relieve tension there until unemployment can be cured. This matter must be raised in other parts of the Commonwealth. It ought to be raised, as soon as the Bill is passed, with the United States Government. There is every chance that an amendment of the American immigration laws after independence will add Jamaica to the list of Latin-American countries which will have quota-free entry to the United States. This, too, is part of our responsibility as we bid farewell to Jamaica as a Colony.

Lastly, I hope that we shall keep a close eye all the time on the sugar industry. It seems likely now that President Kennedy's Bill to alter the basis of sugar purchases by the United States will not become law before 1st July. This means that the present system will continue for another year. In other words, the Kennedy proposals as at present drafted, which would have a profound and harmful effect on the Jamaican sugar industry, seem likely to be postponed for at least a year. If this happens, we shall have a year in which to put pressure on behalf of Jamaica on the American Administration to amend the Bill, if possible, to prevent disaster hitting the sugar industry in Jamaica and the West Indies as a whole following any change in the basis of United States purchasing from the area. I hope that we shall have a year's breathing space in which to help the sugar industry of Jamaica and the West Indies.

In bidding farewell to Jamaica as a Colony and welcoming the island as an equal member of the independent Commonwealth, I return to what I said earlier. We shall face just as many responsibilities for the island's future as we have had in the past when it was a colony. Nevertheless, there is in Britain, I believe, a fund of good will towards Jamaica, the island which I have often described as a little bit of England cast off into the Caribbean. Such is that fund of good will that I have no doubt that we shall help Jamaica in the coming five or ten crucial years, to solve its economic problems and become a truly prosperous part of the British Commonwealth.

5.24 p.m.

Mrs. Eirene White (Flint, East)

I am very glad to add my welcome to Jamaica as an independent country. Since I had such a brief, though most delightful, visit there, it would, perhaps, be presumptuous of me to say too much about Jamaica's internal situation, but even a short visit brings certain aspects very sharply to one's attention. For instance, I confess that, until I had been there, I had not appreciated what a very large part of the country is covered with steep conical mountains, very difficult to cultivate, with very narrow valleys in between.

Agricultural development in many parts of Jamaica is extremely difficult. There is the coastal plain area, with the large sugar and citrus fruit estates, and so forth, but when one considers the opportunities of the population in agriculture and industry, one is forced to realise that, good as the industrial expansion has been in the last few years, in terms of numbers employed it is not as great as all that.

When one thinks of the number of people there, particularly the children— we saw them everywhere— who, in a few years, will want employment, and compares that with the number of opportunities likely in industry, even on the most optimistic estimate, one must conclude that Jamaica cannot have a prosperous future unless two conditions at least are fulfilled.

One is that more intensive agriculture is fostered wherever possible. The other, as my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Northfield (Mr. Chapman) has reminded us, is that the prospects of emigration should not be closed. For years to come, we must keep an open door for Jamaicans who cannot possibly find work at home.

In flying over various parts of Jamaica, I was concerned to see that, so far as I could judge— I am no expert in these matters— little seemed to have been done in soil conservation on the steep lands. Bearing in mind some of the work done in East Africa, with contour ploughing, and so forth, I feel that more should be done in Jamaica in agricultural training and organisation. I was a little concerned to find that in the tourist area of the North Coast, for instance, almost all the food consumed in the luxury hotels is imported from the United States. Remembering the favourable climate in Jamaica— it never seemed more favourable than when I returned to this country— it was surprising to me that Jamaica was unable to organise the growing of more fruit, vegetables and so forth to supply these hotels.

The producers ought to be able to obtain fairly good prices from the hotels, judging by the costs to the tourists living in those places. The hon. Lady the Member for Plymouth, Devonport (Miss Vickers) and I were privileged to walk in and out of several of the most expensive hotels, and we had an opportunity to judge how the tourists lived. The prices were quite staggering.

Part of the reason for the high prices, of course, lies in the very short tourist season in Jamaica. I hope that this may be extended. In the Bahamas, which, admittedly, is very much closer to the United States coast, the tourist trade is spread over a longer period, whereas the Jamaican tourist season, around Montego Bay and the other resorts, is very short. This is one of Jamaica's economic problems. A great deal of the work is seasonal. There is seasonal work in the tourist industry, seasonal work on the sugar estates, and on the citrus estates.

There will be many problems facing Jamaica in the next few years. For example, the move in the sugar industry is towards greater mechanisation. This increases productivity and profits, but not the number of people employed. The number of people employed in some of the excellent factories for light industry on the industrial estates is not very large.

A great deal of hard thinking must be done on the future of economic development in Jamaica. Certainly, I would welcome American and Canadian investment as well as investment from the United Kingdom in Jamaica. However, I cannot help hoping that American investment will never be quite so preponderant and that we shall not find in Jamaica, as was the case in Nassau, that shops will accept United States dollars but not pound notes. One welcomes within reason the investment of industrialists from the North American Continent and hopes that it will continue. However, as I think every hon. Member who has spoken in this debate has said, it would be most regrettable if we failed to continue both public and private investment in Jamaica.

I cannot understand the Government's attitude on the Colonial Development Corporation. I do not want to go over the arguments again, but back bench Members on both sides of the House are agreed on this. For years we have fought a running but losing battle against the Treasury. We are all convinced that ways can be found to turn this into a Commonwealth development corporation on terms acceptable to the independent members of the Commonwealth. Yet, with this Bill, as with every other preceding independence Bill, we are saying, "If they can only get something started before the given date, it will be possible for them to continue". Is it not ludicrous that they should have to rush through a scheme to try to get it on the books so that it might count for C.D.C. assistance just because of the narrow, parochial attitude, presumably, of the Treasury? One always blames the Treasury in these matters.

I had hoped that the Colonial Secretary, coming fresh to this office, would have taken up this battle yet again. Otherwise, we shall be left relying exclusively on private investors who are influenced from time to time by what happens on Wall Street and on the Stock Exchange and may get unduly despondent on occasion about investing even in such a delightful place as Jamaica. I hope very much that it will be possible to find some way of continuing public investment. Some external investment in industrial projects in Jamaica is desirable, not merely because of the cash which it brings in but because of the technical knowledge which may be obtained by partnership between the various interests. I hope very much that it will be possible to avoid certain tendencies towards monopolistic interests. For example, in the cement industry arrangements were made to tempt investment which has resulted in very high building costs ever since. However, this is not the time to go deeply into that matter, but it was one of the things which shocked me in Jamaica.

Jamaica's position in relation to the other British territories in the Caribbean has been mentioned. I do not know whether it was by design or by accident that this debate on Jamaica's independence takes place on the day that the Act dissolving the Federation comes into force. I am sure that we all feel sad and disappointed at the dissolution of the Federation. I confess that by flying from Trinidad, Barbados, to Jamaica I could feel a little more realistically than from a distance how difficult it would have been to keep Jamaica and the other Eastern Caribbean territories in a close association. To have made a real success of the Federation, much more would have had to be done in propaganda and education, not of just the few business people and politicians, who can afford air travel, but of the ordinary people who did not always feel that they were West Indians.

Those who regret the dissolution of the Federation most are largely professional people and those in the public services. When in Washington, before going to the Caribbean, I was particularly struck by a talk which I had with the student adviser there who was representing all the British Caribbean countries, including the two mainland countries, British Honduras and British Guiana. He said that it was only when the Federation was about to break apart that the university students and other students in the United States realised the effect that it might have on them. They realised that they might have to go back to much smaller public services in their island territories and to a much more parochial and narrow life than they might have had if the Federation had persisted, with its wider opinions and wider horizons.

The same thing was said to me in Jamaica by a Jamaican, someone who is very well known in this House. He said that it hurt him deeply that this great experiment had been tried but had failed. We know the situation and we must face it realistically. We can only hope that there will be generosity and imagination in preserving the common services.

I was shocked by the first statement of Sir Alexander Bustamente on winning the election that he proposed to break up the British West Indian Airways. I trust that there may have been second thoughts on that. I hope that there will be generous co-operation in all these matters and a recognition, for example, that in some respects the islands of the East Caribbean cannot possibly carry on the common services without the generous help of Trinidad and Jamaica.

We are particularly concerned about the University of the West Indies. We can appreciate the desire to build up institutions of university standing in Trinidad, for example, but I hope that there will not be undue parochialism in this matter. The University of the West Indies is a very promising institution, but, to preserve university standards and to have a wide enough community of scholars, there must he a certain size for universities, as we have discovered in this country. I hope that nothing will be done to break up the University of the West Indies.

As I have said, many problems face Jamaica and the other islands in the Caribbean, but, of all the territories which the hon. Lady the Member for Devonport and I recently visited, I think that Jamaica was by far the best fitted for independence. Certainly, it has the political maturity to which the Colonial Secretary referred. The hon. Lady and I were entertained at the first social gathering of the two parties following the hotly contested election, and we were happy to feel that, although their members were sharply opposed politically, they were able to meet socially in an agreeable manner, with each of them teasing the other in a way which we are not unfamiliar with in this Parliament.

I think that we can have high hopes for the future of Jamaica provided— and it is a fairly large proviso— that her democratic institutions can be sustained by adequate economic development.

5.39 p.m.

Mr. Charles Royle (Salford, West)

I shall try to follow the example of other hon. Members by being brief.

I feel that there is not a great deal to be said on the Second Reading of the Bill, but that it is a good thing that our friends in Jamaica should know that there are Members on both sides of the House who are very anxious to wish them godspeed in their enterprise. It is largely in that spirit that I wish to speak.

People, particularly hon. Members on this side, must be enthusiastic about the giving of independence to any of our territories in which some economic viability is assured and which are ready for political independence and to rule themselves. But there must be a peculiar feeling in the heart of anyone who loves Jamaica when he reads words in the Bill like this: Her Majesty's Government … shall have no responsibility". That is rather startling. It brings me at once to what was said by my right hon. Friend the Member for Dundee, West (Mr. Strachey) and the many things that have been said since concerning the Colonial Development Corporation.

My right hon. Friend the Member for Dundee, West and my right hon. Friend the Member for Wakefield (Mr. Creech Jones) are the Members in this House who can take the greatest credit for the fact that the C.D.C. was ever formed. I had the honour to be one of the back bench Members who supported them in the Standing Committee when we discussed those matters. We felt that we did a great job of work during those weeks. It is impossible at this stage for us to realise the amount of good that the establishment of the Colonial Development Corporation did. It is terrifying, however, to think that a few weeks from now— in August— a line will be drawn against Jamaica and thereafter, by existing legislation, in no circumstances can aid be given through the C.D.C. to Jamaica.

The hon. Lady the Member for Plymouth, Devonport (Miss Vickers) suggested that there might be a rush between now and August to get schemes approved, because, as I understand the situation, if a scheme is approved by the C.D.C. before independence it will be carried on. How foolish is that situation. We need not alter the initials, but merely to substitute "Commonwealth" for "Colonial" and all would be well. I hope that we shall be able to persuade Her Majesty's Government to take action on these lines. What a tremendous help it would be to Jamaica.

I still have some worries, which I share very largely with my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Northfield (Mr. Chapman), who has made an excellent detailed study of Jamaica and the West Indies as a whole and has given us the advantage of it in his short speech this afternoon. I would have been much happier if today we had been discussing the independence of the Federation rather than the independence of Jamaica.

This must be one of the greatest disappointments in our colonial history, because here is a series of territories sharing a common and successful multi- racial outlook, a common culture and a common agricultural interest. I appreciate what my hon. Friend the Member for Flint, East (Mrs. White) has said about the vast distances between the various islands and territories. My hon. Friend is, however, a little pessimistic if she suggests that in the future there will be a very big problem concerning Jamaica and the rest of the West Indies being associated together in federation.

One of the great problems has been the lack of transport and communications generally between the territories. In the light of modern science, and with air travel being so much easier, and, I hope, coming down in cost, the day is surely coming when, as in every other part of the world, those geographical distances could be made to look very small and these people, who have so many things in common, could be held together. I always hoped that that would be the position. It could have brought about transfers, a mixing of populations and the establishment of industries between the islands which would have created a greater economic viability.

We could all give opinions about the reason for the collapse of the Federation. While this may not be the occasion for holding inquests, I cannot resist the temptation to express the view that a great deal of the responsibility for the collapse of the Federation lies upon the shoulders of the new Prime Minister of the island that we are now discussing. He did things in a rather irresponsible way and, unfortunately, his predecessor, for whom I have deep respect, fell for the wiles of Sir Alexander Bustamente. I am inclined to think that Sir Alexander played on the ignorance of the country folk and that Mr. Norman Manley plunged unnecessarily into a referendum. The result of that referendum came only from a complete lack of knowledge among the masses of the country folk in the island.

It is all very sad. Jamaica is now on her own. At the same time, we are considering the establishment of federation for the little Eight. At Marlborough House, the Secretary of State is discussing Trinidad with the representatives, and here is this very unfortunate breakup. However, Jamaica's agriculture and industries improve. As my hon. Friend the Member for Flint, East has suggested, squalor abounds. Shanty towns go on. The poverty in both town and country defy description. We cannot forget that we ruled the people for 300 years and we have a deep responsibility for the squalor and poverty which still exist. My hon. Friend has referred to the hotels. Do not we all know about them? I have been in and out of those hotels. Only 400 or 500 yards away from some of the most luxurious establishments in the world lie some of the world's worst slums.

How will the new independent Government overcome the problem of those terrible contrasts? The tourist trade is essential, and I should like to see the time come when some of us on these benches will be more easily able to go and stay in a more moderately-priced hotel in Jamaica. There are more moderately-priced hotels in the area of Kingston, but on the north coast it is almost impossible for people like me to afford them. There is a great opening for Jamaica if more moderately-priced hotels can be established and cheaper air and boat fares can be achieved.

During the time of the last Government in Jamaica, there has been great improvement. Let it be said that they came after the new Constitution. When they had more responsibility of their own, improvements took place that never occurred when we were totally responsible. It was only under the new Constitution and under the wonderful statesmanship of Mr. Norman Manley that those advances were being made.

I am a little concerned about some other things. I hope that this is not an attack on the new Prime Minister, but I hear nasty rumours about heads falling in the Civil Service and quasi-Civil Service departments. I hope that those rumours are ill-founded and that a very fine body of men and women who have been living for their island will continue to have the opportunity to serve it.

It is great temptation for an hon. Member like myself to indulge in another speech on immigration, but I just leave it by saying that I am in complete agreement with my hon. Friend the Member for Northfield. I would add that even this afternoon there was on the Order Paper once more a mischievous Question about immigration from the West Indies. Let us forget these things and do all that we possibly can to encourage these people to come here to relieve the situation in which Jamaica finds herself.

I finish, like everybody else, wishing Jamaica well on her new independence. I still hope to be a great friend of Jamaica, and I trust that I shall live some years in which to be so. I am sorry that this day has come in the way that it has and that it is not the independence of a Federation but just the independence of another Colony. It will do well, and we wish it Godspeed.

5.52 p.m.

The Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Hugh Fraser)

We have had a debate which has covered a fairly wide field and which has been marked by good will from all sides of the House towards the people of Jamaica on their achievement of independence.

I think it appropriate for me to deal with one or two technical points in the Bill before winding up the debate. My hon. Friend the Member for Plymouth, Devonport (Miss Vickers) raised a point about Clause 2 (2,b) of the Bill. We will certainly look into this. This is a matter not of citizenship inside Jamaica, but of citizenship inside this country, and it is an abnormal provision. My hon. Friend also raised a technical point about divorce jurisdiction and reciprocal arrangements for the payment of maintenance orders. The provision will apply as it applies at the moment, though, of course, it is a matter of enforcement by courts here and in Jamaica.

Mrs. White

Will the hon. Gentleman explain What is abnormal about a child being its mother's child?

Mr. Fraser

Nothing in the least. It is a change in the form of words which we usually use in this country to admit, as far as nationality is concerned, legitimacy in the purest sense. However, I am prepared to look at it. In view of special arrangements which may be necessary because of the Jamaican situation, it is in that sense abnormal to British legislation.

I draw attention to Clause 3 (3). As hon. Members will be aware, we were determined, as were the Government of Jamaica, that compensation should be paid to Federal civil servants. Because of the method by which we were to proceed with the old Federation, the Bill is drafted in Clause 3 (3) as though actual dissolution had not taken place. It was to provide against this that we inserted the provision. I will see that between now and Third Reading an adjustment is made to Clause 3 (3) because as the old Federation is being dissolved tonight there is no further need for the subsection.

Mr. G. M. Thomson (Dundee, East)

Will the hon. Gentleman take the opportunity to say whether the arrangements for compensation for the Federal civil servants are now completed satisfactorily?

Mr. Fraser

I think that the hon. Gentleman will find that the arrangements are acceptable to all concerned.

The hon. Member for Salford, West (Mr. C. Royle) prefaced his excellent speech by saying that Her Majesty's Government will no longer be responsible for Jamaica. That is a fact. Independence means independence; nothing more or less. I must say that at moments I felt that some of the speeches were telling the Government of Jamaica what they should do. The Government of Jamaica must now decide what do do on their own. I must say that whether it be Stir Alexander Bustamente in power or Mr. Manley, I am sure that all of us will have complete faith in their judgment. What we have to endeavour to do now is to help an independent nation.

Several points were raised by the right hon. Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths), Whom we were so pleased to have take part in the debate. The spirit of Morgan rides again. We were certainly very happy to have him with us. The right hon. Gentleman, Who had so much to do with the various developments in some of these matters earlier in his political career, raised one or two points that I should like to answer.

There is the matter of the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement, to which reference was made by the right hon. Member for Dundee, West (Mr. Strachey). I do not know whether I have the constituency right— Dundee, West, or Dundee, East. It is extremely difficult to have the two representatives of Dundee sitting on the opposite Front Bench talking about matters south of the Equator, or, at any rate, in the tropics.

The Commonwealth Sugar Agreement continues after independence. The matter of negotiations about the world sugar situation and our position in regard to the overseas territories is rather more a matter for debate next week than now. However, the Colonial Office is determined to ensure that the rights and interests of the overseas territories, whether independent or of Commonwealth status, are protected if we go into the Common Market.

The hon. Member for Birmingham, Northfield (Mr. Chapman) mentioned the important matter of the negotiations with the Americans. These negotiations will be continued after independence entirely by Sir Alexander Bustamente. But, naturally, we have a parallel interest in certain other territories such as Barbados in the West Indies, Fiji and so on and shall do all we can to assist.

The hon. Gentleman also raised the question of the C.D.C. I assure him that this is having the most earnest attention of my right hon. Friend. I myself am completely convinced that "Commonwealth Development Corporation" will become the name of the Colonial Development Corporation. I think that this will be an inevitable development, but we have, of course, to look further at the details. I am speaking today only as a junior Minister, but I am sure that that must be the trend.

Further remarks were addressed to me on the question of other assistance. I am sure that the essence of the attraction of assistance is the political stability which I believe Jamaica can achieve. I believe that this will be not only the magnet to draw money and investment Which is so needed in that country, but also a beacon for that part of the world. I believe that between them Sir Alexander Bustamente and Mr. Manley can establish a proper democratic system. I believe that this island, whatever else may have been said by hon. Members in a tone of regret at the ending of this ill-fated and ill-starred temporary Federation, can, above all others probably, achieve, maintain and magnify its independence. Therefore, we welcome it, I am sure, from both sides of the House.

With regard to a possible discussion that we may have one day on the subject of the other territories, I would say that nearly all these colonial problems are individual ones. They vary; there is no set rule. However, the one thing of which I am quite certain is that when we look back on today we shall be able to say that we and the people of Jamaica have taken the right decision in sending Jamaica forward to independence.

Question put and agreed to.

Bill accordingly read a Second time.

Bill committed to a Committee of the whole House.— [Mr. G. Campbell.]

Committee Tomorrow.