RACE DISCRIMINATION (Hansard, 7 December 1960)

§ Mr. A. Fenner Brockway (Eton and Slough)

I beg to move, That leave be given to bring in a Bill to make illegal discrimination to the detriment of any person on the grounds of colour, race and religion in the United Kingdom. This is the sixth occasion on which I have asked for leave to introduce a Bill of this character. It is said that seven times are lucky, but I am hoping that on this occasion a sixth time may be successful, because of the quite remarkable growth in support for this Measure which is now evident. If the House will give permission for the First Reading of the Bill, I shall read a list of sponsors, which includes influential Members of all three parties in the House. I think that is evidence of the extraordinary development of support.

It would be fair to this country, and particularly to its reputation overseas, to say that there is wide freedom here from observable acts of discrimination. Again and again when I meet Africans here from the Union of South Africa, or from Southern Rhodesia, I am struck by their astonishment at the manner in which races mingle in this country, and I wish to express recognition of that fact.

Nevertheless, discrimination does take place. It is most prevalent in the experience of coloured persons searching for private lodgings. I have found, also, that it happens sometimes to members of the Jewish race. But I say at once that it would be too much to ask that we should decide by law when a woman in her private home should take in a lodger of a particular character. Indeed, the Bill would reflect the limited sphere of legislation upon this issue.

Education, both rational and moral—and I do not suggest that they are inconsistent—will be the most determining factor in extending racial tolerance. It is the most civilised man who is most free from racial prejudice, the man who has a sense of history, a sense of the human family and of the spiritual unity of life. But, that acknowledged, legislation has its place. It is a restricted place, but it is important. It is restricted because in the realm of law even intolerance must be tolerated in the province of private authority.

1271 My proposed Bill is, therefore, limited to public places and to social contracts which have legal authority. The Bill would prohibit racial discrimination in licensed common lodging houses. It would prohibit it in restaurants and places where food and drink are sold to the public. It would prohibit it in dance halls or places of entertainment.

In the sphere of social contracts I find it a little more difficult, but the Bill would include a Clause which would prohibit the refusal of a lease for accommodation, or make inoperative any clause in existing leases which reflects discrimination on grounds of race, colour, or religion.

This is an important point. I have recently been told by an African leader, who will be a member of the Government of his own country within a few years, that when he telephoned for a lease of accommodation he was accepted, but that when he appeared at the estate office as a coloured man he was refused. I wished to give publicity to that case. It speaks much for that African that he persuaded me not to do so because he did not want a bad reaction against Britain in the country from which he came.

The proposed B:11 is restricted, but it is important for two reasons. First, it 1272 would set a moral pattern for the nation which will assuredly influence attitudes and practices in wider spheres. Secondly, it would witness to the world, and particularly to the peoples of the newly emerging nations, the acceptance by Britain of the principle of racial and human equality.

I conclude by saying that all my sponsors will not be pledged to every detail of the Bill. I do not pledge myself. I hope very much that, after First and Second Readings it may be possible to amend it if Amendments will bring improvements.