HC Deb 22 April 1959 vol 604 cc555-68

Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—[Mr. Legh.]

11.48 p.m.

Sir Roland Robinson (Blackpool, South)

I should like, at the outset of my remarks, to express my gratitude to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies for coming back tonight specially to reply to the short debate which I am initiating. I know that he left an important banquet very early, and that, having come here, he has, owing to the exigencies of the previous debate, had a long wait.

The subject I raise—constitutional developments in Kenya—is not a new one. Indeed, the hon. and learned Member for Ipswich (Mr. Foot) and three of his hon. Friends raised the same subject in the debate on the Easter Adjournment. That is nearly a month ago, and that it should be necessary to bring it up again is perhaps indicative of the speed at which events move in African political life today.

Since Easter there has been a dramatic change in the political situation in Kenya, which was brought about by the well-thought-out and constructive statement of policy made by 46 members of the Legislative Council of Kenya, of all the races. Current with that was the resignation of Mr. Michael Blundell from the Council, so that he could lead this multiracial and moderate group in Kenya.

It seems to me that this move and the accompanying statement of policy are really important, for together they represent the first real multi-racial initiative which is taken by a very wide group of people from all communities. We should congratulate them on doing it, and admire the lead which Mr. Blundell and his friends are giving in Kenya. I feel that they now have a chance to do a great deal to develop and to consolidate moderate opinion in Kenya on a multi-racial basis, and that we in this House should wish them well in the courageous lead which they have given.

As I had thought fit to raise this matter in the House, I took steps to ensure that Mr. Blundell knew that I wished to comment on the policy that he was bringing forward, and I had a telegram from him this afternoon which says: Very pleased to hear you are raising on the Adjournment the new situation in Kenya. You will be glad to know that a new spirit is gaining ground here and that there are increasing numbers of adherents to moderate and non-racial policies. We should feel very encouraged by this new spirit in Kenya and realise that now the time has come when some equally constructive lead should be given in this country and in this House. In my opinion, Mr. Blundell and his colleagues have produced a striking policy which could well open a new era in Kenya. In their own statement, they say that they hope it will open opportunity for all, progressively reduce racialism, and help to knit the people of Kenya into a nation.

I suppose that it is important, when they set out their policy, that the very first subject which they raise is that of the Constitution. They state, wisely: Frequent changes in the Constitution are unhealthy for the stability and the economy of any country. Even so, and recognising that, they say that they would welcome discussions initiated by Her Majesty's Government at a convenient date in an atmosphere of mutual trust. They went on to say that they would, of course, be opposed to entering discussions which were designed to achieve domination on a racial basis by a single group. They have rightly nailed their flag to the concept of multi -racialism.

They have suggested that discussions should take place, presumably in this country, based on four requirements, and I think that it would be helpful if I read these requirements to the House so that we may be up to date in understanding their wishes. They say, first: The responsibility of Her Majesty's Government must be maintained until such time as all races are ready in their attitude each to the other for the adoption of, and thus have become capable of working, a representative parliamentary system suitable for Kenya. They add: When the time comes to move from the status of a dependent Colony to a responsible Government, it must be accepted that the Executive will continue to be controlled by responsible people who, although they must be representative of all Kenyans, will not be chosen by racial proportions. Secondly, they say that until the goal outlined in the first requirement is reached it is necessary that the opportunity of a share in the Government of the country is available for all races, Thirdly, they say: The civic, economic and political rights of all races must be recognised and the more educated and fortunate individuals must accept a duty to assist the less fortunate and to provide continuing opportunities for their advancement. Fourthly: There should be a steady and intentional development to responsible Government in accord with… their first requirement. That seems to be sensible advice.

I do not wish to detain the House by going right through this manifesto of policy, but it seems to me that it shows sound common sense in economic matters and a desire for general progress throughout Kenya, in education, land, and so forth. Perhaps the most striking change of all—indeed, perhaps the most striking change in the history of Kenya—is what is said in the paragraph about land: Land should be regarded as an economic asset available for any individual to develop and not as a tribal or racial reserve. It must be recognised that today there are strong tribal and racial feelings on this matter. We recommend that all land tenure in Kenya should be progressively brought on to the same basis, It is our hope and belief that the various races and tribes of Kenya will eventually develop such integration of interests, standards and traditions that there need be no racial or tribal land barriers. Individual rights of property must be a primary consideration, but generally our policy must be governed by good land management. That is a very great advance.

The whole concept is based on something which we must approve, the building-up of a multi-racial Kenya, a Kenya which is the home of all the races, where each race must make its own contribution to the future and none must have its culture submerged in a mere sea of numbers. I regard this as a great advance towards the conception of the nation of Kenya. I hope that the Secretary of State will tonight have the opportunity to acknowledge this great advance, and that he will take this occasion to make some comment on the manifesto and give his views on the future of Kenya.

In my opinion, the time has now come when the vast majority of opinion in Kenya is ready for further constitutional discussions. It is not only Mr. Blundell and the moderates. Mr. Ondinga, too, has made it quite clear that he wishes to have discussions. Some would like to have expert help and advice from constitutional lawyers in these matters.

It seems to me that the time has arrived when a lead should come from this country, and we should announce our plans. We have the opportunity to give to Kenya a clear lead, to show that we will help them in finding a solution of their constitutional problems in such a way as to create a nation of Kenya, where the different races and cultures can live side by side and where all can make a distinctive contribution to the future of their country.

11.58 p.m.

Mr. James Callaghan (Cardiff, South-East)

In political affairs we seem to alternate between long periods of fixed positions and very short moments in history when things are fluid, when the course of events can be changed. I believe that this is such a moment in the history of Kenya. Before we all assume the frigid, frozen postures which we usually take up on these matters, I hope that everyone concerned with the discussions which are about to take place will approach them with the boldness which is necessary to achieve something for the good of all the people of Kenya.

The hon. Member for Blackpool, South (Sir R. Robinson) properly referred to the very important advance shown in the statement made by Mr. Michael Blundell. It is an advance, and it should not be under-rated. It is an extremely significant advance. Some of the things which have been said here in this statement have been said by others, without acceptance, earlier. But we ought not to dwell on that now. It is too important a moment.

I commend to the Secretary of State, also, the statement to which the hon. Member did not refer, the one made by the African Elected Members' Association. It, too, has made its contribution. It is an argumentative document; it does not agree by any means wholly with what is expressed in Mr. Blundell's statement. But I do not put it beyond the bounds of possibility that there will be agreement, at any rate, for a future period of constitutional advance in Kenya. I would go so far as to say that it is possible that the next few weeks could set the pattern for many years in Kenya, if matters are approached in the right spirit by all concerned in the negotiations.

It would be discourteous to those coming to this country to see the Colonial Secretary to press him at this stage in detail about what he is to say to them. I do not think he would want to tell us in detail, and I would not ask him. I would sooner he had discussions with them before taking up a fixed position.

I expect that that is what he will want to do. All I would ask from him this evening, and expect, is that he will match the situation with that boldness which we know he can, in making a great move forward.

I would make one further plea: the state of emergency in Kenya weighs heavily on the political climate, and the two things work in together. If there were an improvement in the political climate it would be possible to remove the state of emergency, and, equally, removing the state of emergency would help to improve the political climate and to make a settlement more easy. I hope that in some way the Colonial Secretary will be able to take the important step in Kenya of relieving them of the burden of the state of emergency.

This is a great opportunity for all concerned. I do not know whether an agreement is possible. I do not know whether the Colonial Secretary will be able to take the necessary steps. I am sure that this is, however, a great moment in history, if everyone concerned in the negotiations takes advantage of it.

Mr. A. Fenner Brockway (Eton and Slough)

Would my hon. Friend also welcome the Asian statement

Mr. Callagahan

I understand that the delegation coming to see the Colonial Secretary is made up not only of African elected members, but of a European elected member and Asian elected members, and that is very welcome.

12.3 a.m.

Sir Archer Baldwin (Leominster)

I welcome the opportunity to speak in support of my hon. Friend the Member for Blackpool, South (Sir R. Robinson), who raised this matter. This is an important stage in history and in the future of Kenya, and I hope that all parties in the House and in the country will support the steps taken by Mr. Michael Blundell in forming this new party. There is no hope in Africa unless all parties and all races in Kenya agree. This is a grand opportunity for us to show our support and to help the delegation to come to an agreed policy. It is most important that we keep African politics out of the internal politics of this country. We are doing tremendous harm if we use them for our own internal politics, and I hope that on this occasion, and in the future, we shall show a bipartisan policy.

I had the opportunity of listening to Mr. Van der Post, well known for his views on Africa, a few days ago, and to Sir Charles Markham yesterday, and I gathered that they have the feeling that the future of Kenya and Africa generally rests entirely on a multi-racial policy. This is a step towards that, and I wish Mr. Blundell and his party all the success they deserve.

12.5 a.m.

The Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Alan Lennox-Boyd)

I must apologise to those hon. Members who would have liked to contribute to the debate, but I have only a short time in which to reply to those hon. Gentlemen who have spoken.

As my hon. Friend the Member for Blackpool, South (Sir R. Robinson) has pointed out, Kenya politics have been the subject of a recent debate in the House. He need make no apology for having drawn the country's attention once more to the interesting developments that have taken place since that last debate. I thank him very much indeed for the way he made his observations, and I also thank the hon. Gentleman the Member for Cardiff, South-East (Mr. Callaghan) for his observations and their spirit, which I hope to reciprocate.

Within a week of the last debate on Kenya. the first policy statement of the multi-racial group of members which asked Mr. Michael Blundell to lead them, was made, and Mr. Blundell had announced his resignation as Minister of Agriculture. Already, I understand, a number of meetings have taken place, at which Mr. Blundell and his colleagues of other races have attended to develop their ideas. I, and hon. Members on both sides of the House, will watch with interest and understanding how this new movement grows.

Mr. Blundell's resignation as Minister for Agriculture will be a great loss to the farming community of Kenya, particularly to the Africans, for he has supervised in person, with imagination and vigour, the great programme of agrarian reform which has sprung to life while he has been Minister for Agriculture. I can, however, understand and admire the motives which have led him to sacrifice this important departmental position.

I do not propose at this stage to comment in detail upon the statement or upon the implications of Mr. Blundell's and his colleagues' campaign. My hon. Friend has already said enough to show that what has been said so far in this campaign has been, and will be, welcomed by a great number of people in this country and people, too, who have hitherto held very varying views.

I would, however, like to make just one point. I think that I can claim that the emergence of this middle-of-the-road group of non-sectional opinion, moderate yet forward-looking, challenging extreme opinion among all communities, undoubtedly sterns from the adoption in the present Constitution of a measure of non-communal representation, a principle which, I know, has long been regarded with favour on both sides of the House. It is the presence of all elected members in the Legislative Council, with a responsibility to all races and not to people of only one class, which has undoubtedly been a stimulus to fresh thought on their problems by many of the people of Kenya.

There has, however, been another important development. The Minister of State for the Colonies, my noble Friend Lord Perth, has been able to complete his interrupted tour of East Africa and has spent a fortnight there, during the first week of which he was in Kenya. Lord Perth returned to England at the beginning of this week and has been able to convey to me personally not only a full account of the many interviews which he held with all manner of groups and individuals during his stay, but a very valuable first-hand impression of the political scene in Kenya and its needs, as well as an account of the quite remarkable progress being made in other directions, such as education and land consolidation.

Among those people whom Lord Perth saw were members of the Legislative Council associated with the new group of members led by Mr. Blundell. He also saw, of course, the members of the delegation, with representatives of all races, which, under the leadership of Mr. Oginga Odinga, Chairman of the African Constituency Elected Members, has it in mind to visit me in London. Unfortunately, I was not able to see the delegation earlier, but Lord Perth had two separate and full meetings with it and has given me a very full account of its views. I have also read the written records of the talks with great interest.

Lord Perth also told me in detail of his talks with the group led by Mr. Blundell and with many other individuals. From the picture which my noble Friend gave to me, I have become well aware that in Kenya at the moment there is particular anxiety about the future and an interest in the shape and scope of any discussions on that subject, of the sort which seem to be envisaged in the passage from the policy statement of the all-party group headed by Mr. Blundell, which my hon. Friend the Member for Blackpool, South has quoted.

I am satisfied, as a result of Lord Perth's visit, that that anxiety must, if possible, be allayed about both subjects. It is clear, however, that the first—the path of future evolution—is both logically the more important and uppermost in people's minds in Kenya. In the light of Lord Perth's report to me and his advice on the present situation, I would like to take the opportunity afforded to me by this debate of explaining again in more detail, and restating at greater length than I would otherwise be able to do, the views of Her Majesty's Government upon these matters.

I have on many occasions made it clear that I cannot now foresee a date at which it will be possible for any British Government to surrender their ultimate responsibilities for the destinies and wellbeing of Kenya. To that view I still adhere. Nevertheless, it is perfectly legitimate to ask in what direction Kenya's political evolution is likely to move in the years ahead.

The aim of Her Majesty's Government in Kenya, as in other dependent territories, is to build a nation based on parliamentary institutions and enjoying responsible self-government in conditions which secure for its people a fair standard of living and freedom from oppression from any quarter. I see no reason why the conditions necessary for the people of Kenya to make a success of responsible self-government should not one day be fulfilled. At present, they are not fulfilled. We believe that there can be no question of relaxing United Kingdom control until it is generally accepted that the continuous co-operation of all the individuals now in Kenya in all spheres, and particularly in public life, is indispensable for the maintenance of an effective Government in the country.

By such co-operation Kenya would become a single nation, drawing on the best traditions, skills and capabilities of all who have their homes there, and on the combined experience and high standards of the past. It would reflect no credit at all upon any British Government to abandon the people of Kenya to their fate when they have no certain prospects of being able to stand on their own feet economically and being able to run efficiently, and without risk of collapse or misuse, institutions of representative government. The responsibility of Her Majesty's Government is to all the inhabitants of Kenya of all races and communities, both backward and advanced. It would be a betrayal of that responsibility if we were to abandon our ultimate authority prematurely.

At this stage in Kenya's history our duty is to retain that authority but, in the exercise of it, to do everything we can to help the people of Kenya to create the conditions in which we shall eventually be able to hand it over with a good conscience.

Mr. James Johnson (Rugby)

rose—

Mr. Lennox-Boyd

Perhaps the hon. Member will allow me to continue. I have very little time.

What are those conditions? First, there must be in the territory as a whole a sufficient understanding of parliamentary institutions, and sufficient sense of responsibility in public affairs, to hold out a reasonable prospect that parliamentary institutions, representative of the people, will produce responsible government and not chaos or dictatorship. Self-government, I think we would all agree, is but a mockery if it is purchased at the expense of personal freedom.

Secondly, there must have been established a sufficient measure of understanding and co-operation between the various communities who have made their homes in Kenya to ensure mutual tolerance and acceptance by all of the right of each to remain in Kenya and continue to play a part in the public as well as the economic life of the country.

Thirdly—and this is closely linked with both the first and the second—there must be a reasonable prospect that any Government to which Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom surrender their responsibilities will be able to ensure for the people of Kenya a fair standard of living in an expanding economy. This they will only be able to do if they can maintain the confidence of investors in a country which, not having great mineral resources, is particularly dependent on the continued introduction of capital and skill. Without that capital and that skill they cannot hope for a secure economic future or for the maintenance of the standards of living to which its people of all races have attained, let alone that improvement of the standards of the great majority that we all want to bring about.

Fourthly, a competent and experienced Civil Service is an essential part of political institutions if these are to function successfully for the benefit of the people as a whole. A Kenya Government composed of local people will not succeed in their task unless supported by a well trained and experienced Civil Service which ultimately, and in the natural course of events, would be drawn also from local people. I know that it is the firm intention of the Kenya Government to increase the number of local people holding posts throughout the Civil Service as rapidly as is consistent with the maintenance of the standard of efficiency required by the interests of the Kenya public as a whole.

I believe that there are two ways in which the Government here can help the people of Kenya to create these conditions. We can materially help by encouraging the growth of education and of all forms of development which will serve to increase the proportion of the people of Kenya who have knowledge and experience and an economic stake in the country and who are qualified to play a useful and responsible part in the conduct of its affairs.

In the recent past the Government have given much help to this end, and within the general framework of the Colonial and Development and Welfare Acts, and of the new system of Exchequer loans, we shall continue to help as generously as we can. But we can also help by pressing on vigorously with the critically important task of building up institutions of local and central govern- ment which will provide a good training ground for responsible government and will be well-devised to secure within a broad framework of democratic government the proper rights and interests of all the different communities.

The task of promoting constitutional development in Kenya has not so far been an easy one. With the aims which I have tried to outline in this statement we shall continue to apply ourselves to it. We appeal for the co-operation of the leaders of all communities in Kenya. Failure to give it, and, still more, any attempt to secure objectives by unconstitutional means such as intimidation, can only delay progress and make impossible the construction of those sound foundations on which any constitutional structure must rest.

As I indicated in my despatch of 24th November, the present Constitution is flexible and designed to evolve. As the House knows, various talks have lately taken place between those interested on this subject, both with and without the Governor's participation, and most recently with the Minister of State for the Colonies. In view of all this, if conditions are suitable, the Government will arrange for a conference to be held at an appropriate time to study, against the background of what I have said and of that despatch, what the next step in that evolution should be. If necessary, expert advice will be made available either during or before the conference. At this stage, I do not propose to name a definite date for the conference, but it is intended that it should be held well in advance of the Kenya General Election in 1960.

There is just one other point I should like to make in the moment or two remaining to me. I should like to say a word at the subject of land, which my hon. Friend the Member for Blackpool, South mentioned. He drew attention to the interesting and encouraging views on the group of members of all races headed by Mr. Blundell on this very difficult and emotional subject. I think that he and the House would like to know that a statement was made this afternoon in the Kenya Legislative Council saying that the policy of the Kenya Government is to aim at progressive abolition of racial and tribal land barriers and that to achieve this a policy will be adopted which is designed to ensure that the basis of tenure and management of all agricultural land will be similar throughout Kenya regardless of race and tribe as far as local economic and ecological factors will permit.

This policy will include suitable safeguards against the economic or political exploitation of all those who hold rights in the land, and will, I am sure, commend itself to both sides of the House.

The Question having been proposed after Ten o'clock on Wednesday evening and the debate having continued for half an hour, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at eighteen minutes past Twelve o'clock.