§ Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—[Mr. Hughes-Young.]
§ 4.2 p.m.
§ Mr. James Johnson (Rugby)I know that the Colonial Secretary is submerged under affairs of state concerning Aden, Malta, Cyprus, Malaya, Singapore, and in fact with almost all the points of the compass, but I hope that he will not mind my having brought him to the House at this late hour in so busy a week for him in order to discuss a small island, Zanzibar, because what he says about Zanzibar matters as much to that island as what he says about Malta matters to Mr. Dom Mintoff. I want to put one or two points about Zanzibar, because, like Malta and many other Colonies, Zanzibar has no member here to put its case.
Zanzibar is a small and beautiful island. Indeed, it is somewhat Biblical. If one gets to Zanzibar, one sees narrow streets, old donkeys and old gentlemen riding on the donkeys with their feet dangling at the side. At the moment it is economically very prosperous but unfortunately in the last few years its political affairs have been less tranquil than its economic affairs.
The people of the island are of mixed stock. The Shirazi came many centuries ago, and the Arab captains became very familiar with the natives and mixed with the local indigenous people. The Omani came later. We have now no colour bar there. As far as I know, there are few of the difficulties which we experience on the mainland where we find white settlers and people of other stock than the local African people. Here we have an excellent place for a common roll and for political advance for people of different colours, different faiths and different culture.
The population of Zanzibar is about 160,000. That of Pemba is somewhat smaller. This leads me to one of the first questions I have to raise. The people of Pemba—in fact the leaders of the Afro Shirazi Party—would like at least two more Members for the Island of Pemba. It is felt that they are under-represented in the Legislative Council. I should like the Minister to look at that point and to consider whether there could be a larger 1666 Legislative Council before the 1960 election and whether the people of Pemba could have two more Members.
The Africans number 75 per cent. of the population. I mention that because I want to deal with the number of Africans who are at high school and the number who are unable to enjoy higher education. The Arabs represent about 17 per cent. of the population, the Indians possibly 5 per cent. and the Comorans about 1 per cent.
It is interesting to note that the history of Zanzibar is similar to that of many places which we occupy. To jump quite a large amount of history, I think it was as late as 1896 that we bombarded the Sultan's palace in Zanzibar. He was so affected by the bombardment that he became English in sympathy ever afterwards and sent his sons to public school at Harrow. There is apparently something to be said for sending gunboats occasionally.
Unfortunately, in the 1950s the Arabs began to boycott, if that is the term, or to display lack of co-operation with the Resident, Sir Edward Potter, who used to be in Kenya, and with the Sultan and his Council. Why was this? They wished to have a more liberal constitution. As they thought they could not get it, they left the council chamber. The one Arab—I think he was from Pemba—who dared to go back to the Legislative Council was unfortunately knifed in the back, assassinated, for even putting a foot near the Legislative Council in Zanzibar. Things were tense, as one can see. Then, the right hon. Gentleman sent Mr. Coutts, Education Minister of Kenya, to look at the situation. The Arabs did not like his coming. They asked what a man who spoke Kikuyu and who had been to the West Indies knew about Zanzibar. They asked for somebody who knew Zanzibar and, in fact, they would not give evidence. When he produced his recommendations, however, they accepted every one of them and they considered that his report was exceedingly good.
Now, we have the present position. There are twelve unofficial members in the Legislative Council, six elected and six nominated. The Africans would like two more for Pemba. I will speak later about their hopes for the 1960 elections. The last election took place in July last year. The two parties lined up were, 1667 first, the Omani Arabs, under Ali Muhsin Barwani, who, unfortunately—I know him well; I have had him to tea at Wimbledon—I was shocked to see, had lined up with Colonel Nasser, who wanted a Nationalist Party and wished under a pan-Islam appeal to ally himself with Nasser in the Middle East. The African Shirazi consisting merely of Africans, swept the polls. They defeated the Nationalist Arabs in all the seats and they stood upon a ticket of loyalty to the Commonwealth and for a Zanzibar State in the Commonwealth, lined up with the mainland of Tanganyika and also, I suppose, Kenya and the East African territories. I hope that Ali Muhsin is now a wiser man.
The Secretary of State himself went out last October. He could find only twenty minutes in which to see a deputation of the winning party which took all the elected seats in the Legislative Council. He could afford only from 10.20 to 10.40 a.m. on 29th October last year. I regarded that as shabby treatment. The Secretary of State himself did not think so when I taxed him about it. I hope therefore that today, when he has fifteen minutes left in this debate, he can answer some of the questions which he did not answer that morning in Zanzibar.
My first question concerns the Executive Council. The unofficial members are so-called Ministers. They seem to be a little too unofficial in that they are attached to senior civil servants, more like the liaison Ministers we had in Mauritius, who go about learning their job. They have no executive or policy-making capacity. I wonder whether that is so, because things are not quite the same today. I would have thought that it was much better to pull in these elected members, give them a job to do and make them feel that they are doing and planning something in their own island. It is a bad thing for civil servants to make policy, quite apart from taking action, without discussing matters with their Ministers.
The next thing that I should like to refer to is this matter of the Africanisation of the Administration. The Africans obviously wish their own people to have better jobs and better pay and a status equal to that of the Europeans. In addition, Europeans are expensive. They 1668 are expensive to engage and the Africans do not want too many of them. I hope the Secretary of State will be able to give us some idea of how many there are.
It is said that the European officers do not stay long enough. Zanzibar may be a bit of a backwater, but we have had seven education officers in fifteen years. This is too much of a turnover, and I hope the matter can be investigated. Perhaps some of our officers would stay longer and do a job which in time they get to understand.
Education is the most important subject to the Africans. I should like to put this question to the right hon. Gentleman about the schools and particularly the secondary schools. There are about 10,000 African boys in primary schools and 5,000 girls. Only 5 per cent. reach the secondary level. I wish to give some figures relating to the number of African pupils who have finished their secondary school course. These figures are very significant in view of the figure of 75 per cent. of Africans in Zanzibar.
In the last ten years 44 African boys have attained the end of their secondary course out of a population of 200.000 Africans; 101 Arab boys have got to the end of their secondary course out of 115,000, but 108 Indians have reached the end of their secondary course out of a population of 16,000 Indians, which means that Indian boys had 105 times the chance that an African boy gets of reaching the end of his school course. I beg of the Minister to give some attention to this question and enable the Africans to get the education which they should
As for the girls the situation is much more encouraging. I am told that the young ladies are going to school now, and in Moslem society this is most hopeful. The figures are quite startling. But there is no higher education on the island at all. Some, about fifteen of them, go to Makerere, but this is very expensive. I am told that it costs £1,005 per student at Makerere University, which is well over double what it costs to go to Oxford. About 100 are in the United Kingdom studying all over England, Wales and Scotland.
The hon. Lady the Member for Plymouth, Devonport (Miss Vickers) asked a Question on the subject a short while ago. In her Question she lumped 1669 together Uganda, Kenya, Tanganyika and Zanzibar. I should like to separate the Zanzigbbar figures, as we are discussing that island this afternoon. Twenty-two African young women left Zanzibar and are now studying in the United Kingdom. But there is only one African girl out of all that lot. The figures for young men show that there are 100 Zanzibari here, but out of the 100 there are only two Africans. One young African is here on a Government bursary, doing agriculture, and the other has been sent here by the African political party, the Afro-Shirazi Party in Zanzibar; he is the only one doing a degree course.
§ Mr. John Hynd (Sheffield, Attercliffe)How many Arabs?
§ Mr. JohnsonI have not the figures for the different races; I have only the number of Africans. That young lady is the first African girl ever to leave the island for higher education, and there is only one African boy here on a Government bursary. These figures are not good enough, and I hope that more money will be spent and that more Africans will go overseas in this way.
I should like to know what has happened in regard to the Serjeant and Griffiths Mission. About two years ago, the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies said that he was disturbed about inadequate facilities for Muslim education and that we were sending out a Mission, the Serjeant and Griffiths Mission, to look at the matter all the way from Aden down to Zanzibar. Perhaps we might be told about that.
As regards economic development, I feel that the island is dangerously dependent upon the clove crop. I do not like monoculture. I am told that oranges have a future, and I should like to know what is happening about establishing citrus farming on the island. There is an excellent school of agriculture. What work is it doing in this respect, and what encouragement is being given to citrus farming?
I mentioned earlier that the Omani Arabs were the dominant aristocracy over the African Shirazi elements. The Arabs always have looked, and still look, to the Caliphate as to a "Big Brother". It is very dangerous always when politics begin to be overridden by religion and democratic elections are influenced by 1670 religions putting people into different compartments. In the last elections, with the African Sharazis winning the election, the full six nominated seats had to go to Omani Arabs. The difficulty will come if all elected seats keep going to Africans and then only Arabs are put on the other seats open for nomination. If, as the Africans hope, the twelve seats, six elected and six nominated, become twelve elected seats at the next elections, what will happen then? Where will the Omani Arabs be? There will be no Arabs elected although, as I say, they were the aristocracy and they formed the dominant section of society.
Finally, I hope that the Colonial Secretary will say a word about the political future of Zanzibar. The Africans would like him to make some statement at some time about what he thinks their future will be. Is it to be an African State? Is it to be a democratic State? Is it to be a State where there is a common roll, as now, but without a qualitative franchise, where Arabs, Indians and Africans all vote together for single member seats? If so, it will mean African domination as in Uganda and other States on the mainland. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will make some statement about those matters. If something is said in good time, it might, perhaps, help to remove misunderstanding and possibly avoid danger later in the island's political affairs.
§ 4.19 p.m.
§ The Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Alan Lennox-Boyd)The hon. Member for Rugby (Mr. J. Johnson) certainly need not apologise for directing our attention to the affairs of Zanzibar and Pemba. I am glad to be able to say something, although, I fear, rather briefly, on the subject of these most important territories. At the same time, I am extremely sorry that the working out of Parliamentary providence has prevented my hon. Friend the Member for Ply, mouth, Devonport (Miss Vickers) from saying something about Tanganyika, although I know that she has also a very keen personal interest in Zanzibar.
Had it been possible, and were I in order, I should have liked to accord some recognition to the really magnificent achievements of the Governor of Tanganyika who, in a few weeks' time, will leave Tanganyika after nine years of brilliant work. However, we are now 1671 discussing affairs in Zanzibar, and our time is very limited indeed. I think that I speak for the whole House and everybody who knows him when I say that we hold his Highness the Sultan of Zanzibar in the greatest respect and personal affection. Like many other hon. Members, I count his friendship very highly, and I have also many other friends in those delightful islands. I have been able to pay two visits to Zanzibar, which were, alas, very short, but I hope that before long I shall be able to make a more extended tour.
The hon. Gentleman asked whether it would be possible to say that the future of Zanzibar would be that of an African State. When I met the Afro-Shirazi Party in Zanzibar last October, I told them that in my view the future of their lovely country was for all who were genuinely Zanzibaris and the people who, whatever their origin, had made their home in Zanzibar and were the subjects of His Highness the Sultan. If I were asked to define this more closely, I would say that to me the future of Zanzibar is a multi-racial State ruled by an Arab dynasty, whose position is supported and guaranteed by Her Majesty's Government.
The hon. Gentleman also asked about future elections in Zanzibar. Tenure of office in the Legislative Council of Zanzibar is as the hon. Gentleman knows, for three years. It is, therefore, true to say that further elections to the representative side of the Council can be expected to take place in 1960. It is, as yet, too early to say whether any change in the composition of the Council or in the method of choosing members for the representative situations which are not at present filled by elections should take place. I do not think that I can at this stage, add to that statement, particularly in view of the short time available.
The hon. Gentleman asked me at the beginning of his speech about the future of Pemba. I have, alas, not as yet been able to visit Pemba, but I am conscious of my responsibilities for Pemba. When I was in Zanzibar I was asked a number of questions about commercial and, indeed, political development in Pemba. As the hon. Gentleman knows, considerable developments are being undertaken in Pemba, particularly for the improvement of communications, both internally and with Zanzibar. I should have liked 1672 to develop what is going on at greater length, but I am afraid that the rules of the House prevent my doing so. I hope that an early opportunity will arise when I can draw attention to what is happening there.
Regarding the representation of Pemba interests, of the twelve representative members of the Legislative Council, Pemba now has four members, two elected and two nominated. The Resident has very much in mind the desirability of a reasonable representation for Pemba. This was one of the facts that he had in mind in the appointment of nominated representative members. In my view—and in his—in all the circumstances I think that the present representation adequately represents Pemba interests.
Regarding the working of the Constitution as a whole, the Legislative Council has met several times since the elections and has carried out its functions normally and without serious difficulty. In view of the changes in representation and the animosity of the not so distant past, I think that this is satisfactory and shows a welcome determination to take advantage of the additional opportunities for enlightenment in the affairs of self-government which the recent Constitution has brought. I would once more repeat what I have said before, namely, that Africans, Arabs and Asians all have a vital part to play in establishing under the Sultan a new basis of understanding from which all of them as Zanzibaris can look to the future with confidence.
In my short visit, I did what I could to try to eliminate the lingering elements of racialism which, if allowed to go on unchecked, will work to the disadvantage of all who have made their home there in Zanzibar. The hon. Gentleman asked me about Ministerial systems. I was asked by the Afro-Shirazi Party whether I would agree that the time had come for there to be a Ministerial system in Zanzibar. It is true that I had only a short time to spend with each of the many groups that I saw, but when I remind the hon. Gentleman that about only one hour of that day was spent out of doors on an island of such indescribable beauty and the rest of the day was devoted to serious discussion, I do not think the hon. Gentleman will think that I behaved shabbily in apportioning my time. I made it quite clear 1673 to the delegates that I did not think that political experience in Zanzibar had yet justified the introduction of a ministerial system.
There are three representative members of the Executive Council who are now associated with the work of Departments, of Education, of Health and of Agriculture. This, is a very good start. As I have pointed out, however, the representative members have been on the Executive Council for only one year and the first elections in Zanzibar took place only in July, 1957. As long as I am responsible for trying to guide the affairs of territories like Zanzibar, I shall not imperil good experiments by rather foolish speed.
The hon. Member referred to the economic situation and expressed the view, with which I wholly concur, that monoculture is a danger to a territory like Zanzibar and many other territories in a similar situation. Their undue dependence on a single crop makes them extremely vulnerable. I went to the Kizimbani Agricultural Research Station and spent some of my time there on the first day I arrived, before I started the Conference. I was immensely impressed by the efforts being made there to work out alternative crops.
It ought to be made quite clear that the Government of Zanzibar is doing everything it can to encourage alternative crops. A little progress has been made, but it is disappointing to have to record that the chief obstacle to this desirable, and, indeed, essential, activity is the apathy of the local inhabitants themselves.
The hon. Member referred to the possibility of the citrus industry. Growers receive bonus payments to enable them to maintain newly-planted orchards in a satisfactory manner. I went into this carefully when I was in Zanzibar, but I regret to have to say that in many areas weeds which had grown tall through being neglected caught fire and the citrus trees have been destroyed. It is most disappointing to find that one-third of the citrus trees that had been planted were lost through fire. I understand that in the vast majority of cases these fires could have been avoided. I very much hope that part of the drive and enthusiasm that goes into political affairs in Zanzibar will 1674 be directed by the Zanzibaris themselves to these vital economic needs and that the advice of the hon. Member for Rugby and everybody else will be turned towards encouraging that sort of wise and prudent husbandry.
§ Mr. J. JohnsonIs it not a fact that last year there was a bumper harvest for cloves? Surely, it was a record year.
§ Mr. Lennox-BoydCertainly, it was a good year for cloves. The crop, however, is dependent upon the Indian and Indonesian market for its exports and 80 per cent. of Zanzibar's exports are in cloves. In Indonesia, the home industry, quite apart from unsettled political conditions there, will be a grave competitor to Zanzibar. Therefore, it is more than ever necessary in periods of success to plan for years when the same markets overseas cannot be relied upon. I hope that my friends in Zanzibar will take every advantage of the facilities that exist and the disinterested work that the agricultural officers and others are doing to encourage the development of alternative crops.
The hon. Member asked me about the staff of the Administration. Considerable progress has been made in giving openings for locally-born recruits. At the moment, all junior posts in the Government service and a number of senior posts are held by Zanzibar subjects. There is still a real necessity for expatriate officers. I hope everything will be done to make these men and women, who are giving disinterested service, realise that they are welcome in Zanzibar and that any efforts by politicians to give the impression that they are doing harm to the people of Zanzibar will be given short shift by the hon. Member.
I share also his anxiety in regard to the progress of education. I have not time to develop, as I should have liked to have done, the details of some of the work which is going on, but I can say this to him, that the Resident has decided to appoint a committee to make a thorough examination of the educational problems of the Protectorate and to produce a report. No doubt I can discuss afterwards with the hon. Gentleman further details of that.
He also asked me about the Serjeant and Griffiths Report, and the problems of Muslim education in East Africa and 1675 adjacent areas. I have myself studied this Report very carefully and have had many talks in my Department about it. It has also been studied by my advisory committee on education, and it has been communicated to the Governments concerned. It is now being considered by many education committees, and the intention is to arrange for its publication in East Africa as a basis for public discussion of some of its recommendations.
The hon. Gentleman made it quite clear that in his view the long-term destiny of Zanzibar is within the British Commonwealth of Nations. I wholly endorse that view. When it was necessary for me to uphold the decision of the Government of Zanzibar to prevent attendance from Zanzibar at the Communist-inspired conference in Cairo I am certain—and so was the Government of Zanzibar—that I was taking a decision in the best interests of Zanzibar. Zanzibar's long 1676 term future lies alongside ours, and we shall do all that we can to encourage the strengthening of that association. If this debate has been short, I hope it has been long enough to convince our friends in Zanzibar that their interests are very close to ours and that we shall ever be mindful of their progress, their happiness and of their problems.
§ Mr. J. JohnsonI am not associating myself with the detention of Ali Muhsin Barwani in Kenya. I think the right hon. Gentleman made a mistake there.
§ Mr. Lennox-BoydI am not asking the hon. Gentleman altogether to agree with all that I do, but if he wills the end he ought to be prepared to share responsibility for the means.
§ Question put and agreed to.
§ Adjourned accordingly at twenty-eight minutes to Five o'clock.