BLACK-OUT REGULATIONS (Hansard, 8 December 1944)

§ Mr. Bowles (Nuneaton)
In view of the Division which has just taken place, I believe I have only 10 minutes at my disposal. I propose to raise briefly a matter which affects every person in this country, which is whether there is still a good case for the maintenance of the black-out of our towns. I have come to the conclusion, after taking a good deal of advice from aircraft pilots and others, that the black-out is no longer a defence weapon. Let me remind the House that, during the winter of 1940, with the black-out at the full, London was very severely blitzed every night for eight months, from 7th September until well into May, and that the German bombers were well able to find Coventry, Birmingham, Hull, Bristol, Plymouth and other places. Even when we had the black-out in full operation, it was quite easy for the German bombers to find our main cities and do the damage that they did.
I have tried to anticipate what are the possible answers that my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary might give. I do 1014 not know whether he is going to use it, but there is one argument which might have been put to him by the Air Ministry, that if this country is fully blacked-out, it makes it easier for our bombers, on returning from Germany, to find their way back to their bases, because they have a certain lighting pattern which they follow which enables them to get back to their aerodromes. I have gone into that and I find there is very little truth in it, if any. Also, there have been many unfortunate cases of bombers, for instance from aerodromes in Lincolnshire, not being able to find their whereabouts at all, because they had lost their radio or navigator, and unfortunately going on to crash on the other side of the country, in the Welsh hills. Therefore I think there is nothing in that.
My right hon. Friend has no doubt seen in the Press and heard on the radio that there is now a thing referred to as the "gen" box. It is one of the great inventions of this war. If he will turn up the "Sunday Times" of last Sunday he will find there how it makes possible bombing where there is a complete overcast of cloud. In other words it makes blind bombing a matter of the greatest ease. It is an application of the principle of television. I do not propose to waste time in arguing the details of it, but it enables the pilot and crew of an aircraft to know perfectly well when they are over their target, and they can bomb, although the cloud covering is 100 per cent.
It is thought that London is a place that should be particularly excepted, but London, quite frankly, is the easiest target 1015 for any person who can fly an aircraft, say a German bomber from Germany or Dutch territory. Even the greatest novice, if he can fly, is bound to find his way. He has such a margin of error either in divergence to the right or left or in going too closely or going far on, that he cannot miss London. Also, my right hon. Friend has probably not done any night flying during the black-out, but he may have walked about the streets, and he knows there are radiated into the air by the London electric railways every few seconds flashes, as it were, branching out from the centre of London, and that is, if necessary, a useful guide. The point I want to make to him is that no modern night bomber takes the slightest notice of lights at all. If my right hon. Friend would talk to some of the boys who have been doing this job he would find that a little bit of light is a nuisance. They fly on their instruments, and lights are of no value to them at all. This is a view of a great number of people with whom I have discussed this, who have practical experience of bombing German towns. My right hon. Friend knows that there are many large towns in Germany—Nuremburg and other places—which have abandoned the black-out altogether. They know perfectly well it is no defence.
I am not saying that lights are not visible. I am told by bomber pilots that my right hon. Friend has given his whole case away, it ever there was one, in this moon lighting, because on wet pavements and wet roads the reflection of the lights he has now authorised are quite visible at something like 1,500 to 2,000 feet. This is quite a serious proposition I am putting up. There has been a feeling, I know, which has possibly been at the back of his mind, that as soon as we lift the black-out completely there will be a vindictive raid by German bombers. It may be true, but I think quite frankly that they could do it whether the black-out was lifted or not. I put it to my right hon. Friend that there may be a vindictive raid. I go as far as this. Even if there is it will not be assisted by any kind of lighting at all The point that I am making—and, I hope, consistently all the time—is that lights do not make any difference.
It is only fair, as I am raising this matter, that I should suggest that my 1016 right hon. Friend, if he raises the black-out completely, should warn the public of the possibility of a raid of this kind; but he should go on to say that he and his advisers are of the opinion that a vindictive raid will not be assisted in any way by the lights. My right hon. Friend yesterday used a phrase which I think is most important. He said that if it is found that there are more piloted enemy raids, he will clamp down on the black-out. He has shown a readiness to adapt himself to the situation. One thing about the Ministry of Aircraft Production has been their adaptability. They have, for instance, gone on modifying the Spitfire until it is the wonderful thing that we now have. From the point of view of waste of white paint—which is not negligible, when quite a lot of houses need painting—and of the man-power which is used in whitening the streets and lamp posts and so on, the removal of the black-out would be an advantage. If my right hon. Friend is taking advice from the Air Ministry, I wish he had been with me at 7.10 on Tuesday night, when the whole eight storeys of the Ministry's premises, on both sides of the street, were completely alight, without any black-out at all. I went there last night again, but the lights were not there then, perhaps because it was a little later. But last Tuesday it was most amazing to see the whole eight storeys on each side of the street completely lighted. I hope that my right hon. Friend will cease to be the prince of darkness, and will put an end to this policy, which I might describe as "strength through misery."

§ The Secretary of State for the Home Department (Mr. Herbert Morrison)
I shall have to be brief, because I have only seven minutes in which to reply. We think, on experience, that the policy of black-out, over the greater part of the war, has been a success in hampering the enemy in his attacks upon this country. It is, at any rate, true over a period that enemy claims of having bombed certain towns substantially exceed the number of towns which he actually bombed. I think that that is conclusive evidence that the black-out caused him trouble, and that he has not the brilliance in blind bombing which my hon. Friend assumes that he has. There is, of course, some risk of enemy piloted raids still, as my hon. Friend admits. 1017 It is true that I could tell the public that that is possible, but I could not conscientiously say that the complete abolition of the black-out would make no difference. I very much fear that if the enemy came and bombed London or some other part of the country, the public would not believe me anyway, and the result would be that, having become popular with my hon. Friend the Member for Nuneaton (Mr. Bowles), I should become thoroughly unpopular with the people of London. On the whole, I would prefer to not oblige my hon. Friend, if that was to be the result.

§ Mr. Bowles
Does the right hon. Gentleman not think that his policy is unpopular now?

§ Mr. Morrison
I believe, honestly, that public opinion is with us in the way we are handling this matter. But it is very difficult to be sure. My hon. Friend assumed that the Germans were brilliant at blind bombing. I have no evidence that the Germans are brilliant at blind bombing, although I think that our men and the Americans have done very clever work in that direction. I have not got evidence that the Germans have been clever at it so far, and, moreover, my hon. Friend's point completely ignores the fact that, with Heinkel aircraft carrying flying bombs, the question of blind bombing does not arise, because they shoot the flying bomb from miles away towards this country, and we have got to look at the matter from that point of view. I am advised, for example, that, with the complete abolition of the black-out, that is to say, the restoration of peace-time lighting, London could be clearly seen by these aircraft from far out to sea if it was fully lit up, and I think it must be conceded that the aim of the enemy, in letting loose the flying bombs, would be materially improved if he could see the area of London, even in a vague way, from a considerable distance, while he was out of range of our active defences and where it was not too easy to catch him by fighter aircraft.
The Government are anxious to give as much light as possible, consistent with security, and I think the record of our administration shows that. I have perhaps taken a risk in jumping a little in advance of public opinion. Some of the local authorities of London think that, and they are 1018 quite entitled to their opinion. We think that what we have done is reasonable. We have allowed half-lighting for houses, and removed the requirement that the full black-out shall be restored on the alert. We have allowed half-lighting or moon-lighting for the streets. This half-lighting is operating over an increasing area of London, and it is going very well. People who think that the local authorities could bring the change about like a flash really do not understand the situation. The local authorities have had their problems. Their opinions differ a bit, and some of them, if I may say so with respect, have been a bit sticky about it, but they will come along. Nearly all of them have come along, and my impression is that the general run of them will do so up to the standard permitted. We have also improved the lighting in trams and buses, and there may be a high standard of lighting in certain establishments on vital work so long as it can be put out when the warning is given. It is not everybody who has taken advantage of the relaxations permitted, but if this were done a substantial improvement would result.
It is often said that the black-out is causing a great many fatalities on the road. My hon. Friend did not say it, but it is said and written with great confidence, without those who say it finding out what are the facts. In regard to the allegation that the black-out causes road fatalities, I do not say that it never does, but, by and large, this is not borne out by the facts. From September, 1943, to August, 1944, there were 6,507 killed on the roads, 32 per cent. by night. This compares with 54 per cent. in the first year of the war, and with 38 per cent. in the only pre-war year for which figures are available. Therefore, that allegation is not borne out by the facts. Moreover, while I do not plead this as conclusive, because the experience is limited, the road accidents in October, which was the first full month of the new lighting—the moon lighting—show fewer deaths and injuries than in any previous October of the war. And yet, every day, one sees these statements that the accidents on the roads are caused by the black-out, as if that was mainly responsible.
I thought I would give these facts to the House, because, making all allowance, for example, for the reduction of the number of vehicles on the roads, which is a fair point, the black-out does 1019 not seem, on the facts, to be a material or major killing factor, and certainly not as compared with other factors.
I can only say to the House in conclusion that we are trying not to be stodgy and sticky. We do not want to be obstinate and negative for the sake of being obstinate and negative. The last word has not been said, and believe me, whenever it is possible to relax and make progress in this matter, I will do so, but 1020 I have a responsibility to the people, and especially to the people of this much-tried London, and I want to be careful of the interests of these people and not be too wild.