HC Deb 23 December 1937 vol 330 cc2259-71

3.35 p.m.

Lieut.-Commander Fletcher

I desire to direct the attention of the House to the question of Italian anti-British propaganda, but I should like first to say one or two sentences about a closely allied subject, that of British news services abroad. These services are most unfairly handicapped to the national detriment by the subsidised foreign news services with which they have to compete; in fact, I understand that one country actually pays certain newspapers to take its services. I raised this question on the Adjournment for the autumn Recess, and, in consequence, I received a very large number of letters and cables from many parts of the British Dominions and Colonies, fully bearing out all that I said on that occasion. As a result of the publicity which was then given to the matter, I understand that an official of the B.B.C. has visited South America and certain other countries, and there are one or two questions in that connection that I would like to put to the Noble Lord the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs who has been kind enough to come here to reply. Has that official returned from his visit? While he was away, did he visit the Mediterranean? Has he reported? Will his report be made public; and do the Government intend to act upon his report?

I am aware, of course, that something is being done in this connection by the British Broadcasting Corporation. We had an announcement to that effect the other day in the House. But I gathered that what it is proposed to do is on rather a small scale. I recollect that the Postmaster-General said that some adjustment of the income of the British Broadcasting Corporation would be made to enable it to meet the cost, which implies that no new funds will be available. I feel that the Government are approaching the matter in rather a small way because, if anything effective is to be done, very large sums indeed will be required. In fact, this propaganda has now reached such a pitch that I am not sure whether it is entirely a matter for the Foreign Office, the British Broadcasting Corporation and the Postmaster-General all peddling round with the income of the British Broadcasting Corporation. I am not sure that it is not more a matter for the Minister for the Co-ordination of Defence. I am certain that the Government must act on a large scale, and must contemplate large expense.

There is one point to which I would like to invite the Noble Lord's attention. Among the correspondence to which I have referred, I received a letter from the editor of one of the Vancouver papers. He informed me that he had written to the Foreign Office on 1st July about this subject and he sent me a copy of his letter, which seemed to me a serious letter and to raise very many valuable points. His letter to me was dated 12th September and in it he said: I have not even had the courtesy of an acknowledgment from the Foreign Office. I think that that is to some extent unsatisfactory. A letter can be acknowledged, even if it cannot be fully answered at the time. An episode of that sort creates a very bad impression on the mind of the editor of a Dominion paper trying to do his best in this matter. I do not wish to pillory the official to whom the letter was addressed by giving his name but I have the correspondence here, and it is, of course, at the disposal of the Noble Lord.

I turn now to the more immediate question of Italian anti-British propaganda. I have been calling attention to it in this House for over a year. I had hoped to raise the matter on the adjournment for the Autumn Recess, but I understood at that time that certain overtures were in progress, and that there was an exchange of correspondence taking place between our Prime Minister and the head of the Italian Government, and I, therefore, deferred raising the question in order that nothing might be said which might possibly prejudice that correspondence. I gather, however, from the tone of recent replies in this House, and especially from the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill) on Tuesday—the right hon. Member for Epping generally knows which way the wind is blowing from the Government—that the brake is now off so far as the head of the Italian Government is concerned. We have to complain not only of Italian wireless propaganda but of Italian Press propaganda. I feel that Italy, or perhaps I should say the head of the Italian Government, has now become the poison pen of Europe, and that pen poisons the whole of the world's international relations.

Other countries have an equal right with ourselves to complain in this matter. I noticed recently a most bitter and untruthful attack on the United States of America in reference to supplying arms to Spain. Our relations With Portugal have recently improved. The Italian Government is not altogether happy to see that improvement, and consequently we had a completely mendacious story about Portuguese colonies. To use the Press in that way amounts, in my opinion, to blackmail, and in the opinion of all decent people blackmail is the most odious of crimes. No head of a State or government actuated by ordinary motives of honour or decency would tolerate or allow such a thing. But it is the head of the Italian Government himself who writes some of these lies in the Press, although he is bound by agreement not to do so. I long, in company with every other Member of this House, to see friendly relations established between the Italian and British peoples, but it is utterly impossible for that to come about as long as this propaganda continues.

Representations have been made, amendment has been promised and the promise has been broken. In July of this year the head of the Italian Government sent a personal message to our Foreign Secretary that the Italian Government had taken all the steps in their power to avoid any aggravation of the situation in Palestine from Italy. This message was described as "an unusual and significant course." That is to say, this message was invested with great ceremony and formality. It was delivered to our Foreign Secretary by the Italian Ambassador. I ask, has that undertaking been kept? On the contrary, my information is that since then the Bari broadcasts have increased in violence. If it is the case that an undertaking sent by the head of a foreign State to the British Foreign Secretary, and delivered by his Ambassador, is not going to be observed, then it is a case of flagrant dishonour, it is a slur on the good name of Italy. I wonder how it feels to be an Italian Ambassador. Ambassadors are appointed by one King to another. They are inter-regal Mercurys. Their persons are sacred and they are treated with great respect and great honour. I wonder what it feels like to be an Ambassador and to bear messages of that sort with undertakings which are not kept. To use your power over the Press to vilify an opponent who cannot reply is the worst infirmity of an ignoble mind. I will quote, if I may, from an article in the "Times" of recent date which says: With the exception of the organ of the Vatican, there is not a single newspaper in Italy which does not publish from day to day, insinuations and sneers aimed at Great Britain. This does not in the least represent the feelings of the average Italian, but is apparently felt necessary by the powers that be to justify Italy's foreign policy. The Italian Press is controlled by the Italian Government. The newspapers not only are controlled, but they receive the most precise instructions from the Italian Government as to what is to be published. If the House will allow me, I will give a few instances of these instructions to Italian journalists: Begin and continue a strong campaign against Czechoslovakia. Here is another: Insist on the eventuality of Eden's leaving the Foreign Office. Have sent from London news of Eden's dismissal. Here is another: Reproduce and amplify the news of the Stefani agency about how desirable it would be to burn the contagious quarters of London—unworthy of a civilised age. Add that Edward, if he had continued to reign, would have provided for it. The last I will quote is this: Stress any unfortunate incident that may happen during the Coronation celebrations. It will not surprise the House to hear, after that, that an Italian paper, on the occasion of the recent disgraceful attempt on the life of the Portuguese President, published a report that the attempt had been arranged by the British Secret Service.

These are deliberate attempts on the part of the Italian Government to stir up mischief with countries with which, by agreement, they are supposed to be in friendly relations. There is a point up to which such propaganda can be treated with contempt, but that point, in the opinion of competent observers, has long been passed. The Bari wireless station under orders from Mussolini foments discontent and persistently stokes up agitation in Palestine, and represents to the Moslems that they are suffering intolerable wrongs from which the Italian Government is prepared to rescue them. It is notorious that Italian money has subsidised discontent in Palestine, and the Italian Government has a direct share of responsibility for the loss of life, damage to property and assassinations of British officials which have taken place in Palestine. The "Times" published this from its Palestine correspondent: The Italians habitually publish exaggerated tendentious and often wilfully false news concerning Palestine. They have a certain effect on young men and the ignorant populace. The educated leaders make full use of Italian propaganda to impress English opinion with the importance of consulting the Arab world. Dr. Weizmann has said that the trouble in Palestine has its root in the international situation, and has spoken about venomous propaganda there. During the sanctions crisis, practically every Syrian paper was receiving Italian money, and the President of the Syrian Palestine Defence Committee is known to be in touch with Italian consular authorities. I will give, if the House will allow me again, some examples of the Italian lying campaign about Palestine. There are extracts which speak of Britain "carrying on a ruthless policy of terrorism," "dynamiters," "Harem's searched, women outraged," "spreading destruction and devastation in the Holy Land," "brutal British repression," "Neo-Herodian horrors." I call atention to that latter phrase, because it appeared in the "Popola d'Italia," which is Mussolini's own paper. It was in an unsigned article and contains the passage: The news from Palestine cannot but awaken a profound sense of horror in all the civilised world. The precepts which for thousands of years have assured justice and civilisation to humanity are openly violated. No one has been entrusted with a mandate to spread destruction and devastation in the Holy Land. That comes very ill from the Italian Government when we bear in mind that recent massacre at Addis Ababa this year, which shocked the whole of the civilised world, the murder of such a gallant opponent as Ras Desta, and when we also recall that five days orgy of murder which marked the Italian occupation of Tripoli in 1911, and earned for Marshal Graziani, the present Viceroy of Abyssinia, his present nickname of the "Hyena of Libya." "Evil communications corrupt good manners." This Italian Press propaganda has been followed up and magnified in the German Press, coupled with most bitter attacks upon the Foreign Secretary, and it is an intolerable interference with the affairs of a country engaged in a task of very great difficulty in Palestine. Libellous and abusive radio talks, holding us up to the scorn and hatred of Moslems, are directly inspired and subsidised by the Italian Government, and they are given in 16 languages. They are all part of a plan for substituting Italian influence for British influence in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East because Mussolini has not assumed the role of protector of Arab rights without a plan. He wishes to fish in the troubled waters in the Eastern Mediterranean, just as he is fishing in the troubled waters of the Western Mediterranean. It is no good under-rating his ambitions or his nuisance value.

The centre of gravity in the Mediterranean and of the route to the Far East is now to be found in Palestine, in Haifa and Akabah, and this Italian propaganda must be read in that context. Mr. Roke, of Beirut, a member of the Higher Arab Committee, when expressing the opinion of the Committee and of the Grand Mufti, said: We know that Italy regards the Arab question as only a card in a bigger game. May I indicate some of the methods by which this propaganda is carried on? Italian agents practically give away radio sets to cafes where Arabs sit, and every night broadcasts are picked up from Morocco right down from the Persian Gulf. There are programmes for Malta, Egypt and French Africa. Since 1st December talks in Arabic are given daily instead of bi-weekly. The propaganda is increasing in violence. I spoke of the programme for Malta. Here is a recent sample from it: The Empire of the English is decadent. The British Fleet is a museum piece. Mr. Eden is a clown in the hands of the masons. I hope that they have not also discovered that he is a member of a very sinister secret society called the Oddfellows. We may smile, but I am afraid that turning the other cheek or laughing in our sleeves is not understood in the Mediterranean. Englishmen and English journalists abroad, who are better advised judges than we are in this matter, are unanimous that we can no longer afford to ignore what is going on. Here is another example. The Aga Khan was quoted as saying in an interview: If the Duce's promises regarding Islam should be realised, the Arabs of the world would place all their hopes in the Italian Government. The Aga Khan was asked about this, and he replied that, instead, he had said: We in India are happy and prosperous under our King and Emperor. Could anything be more wicked or more malevolent than to distort the words of the Aga Khan, remembering the part that he plays in the affairs of the Moslem world? Radio is not the only method of propaganda which includes large expenditure on schools and hospitals as centres of Italianisation in Syria and Palestine. They include cheap holidays in Italy. Students are given three or four weeks holiday in Italy for two to three pounds. During that time they are shown the grandeur of Italian civilisation, while they are told about the decadence of Great Britain. Hundreds of them go on these joy rides every year and they return to their own countries as enthusiastic Italian propagandists.

Ninety per cent. of the news reels in cinemas in the Near East show Italian films, glorifying Italian military strength, and the might of the Italian Navy, with plenty of close-ups of Mussolini, registering resolution and posing as the real he-man. The British films, on the contrary, very largely consist of such episodes as "Women's lacrosse at Weston-super-Mare," or, "Glasgow's Lord Provost opens Poor Law institution." These British films cut a very poor figure alongside the Italian news reels. Then there is the Pilgrimage to Mecca. Two thousand Mohammedans from Abyssinia were sent on the Pilgrimage to Mecca, and the Italian Government paid every penny of the expenses. Pilgrims were similarly sent from Eritrea, Somaliland, Libya and Tripoli and they all returned to tell the story of how Mussolini had made it possible.

It would be idle to deny that all these clever and unscrupulous methods are having their effect. It is no use our being supine and relying on past glories to pull us through while Italy tirelessly tells the tale that we are on the run and that the British Empire will soon break up. I know personally that money has been spent in Egypt in the corruption of politicians. Now Italian agents and money are invading Arabia. Italian propaganda is busy in Saudi Arabia. Ibn Saud is being incited by Italian agents to attack the Yemen while at the same time it is stated that Italy has signed contracts to supply arms to Yemen, on condition that Italian military and civil advisers are accepted there. I should like to know whether any reports have been received from our Minister at Jedda as to that? Have any Italian agents been arrested at Aden? If these stories are true, they have to be considered in connection with the statement of the Foreign Secretary in this House recently that we would tolerate no rival Power on the Eastern shores of the Red Sea. Chiefs of important tribes in Libya have been incited to send telegrams to Mussolini, announcing "solidarity with the oppressed Arabs in Palestine." Similar messages have come from certain chiefs in Abyssinia. It should be the duty of the head of the Italian Government in accordance with the Anglo-Italian Agreement to rebuke these chiefs and say that he has no concern whatever with the affairs of Palestine. That is the reply that he ought to send, but, on the contrary, he encourages such messages.

This year we concluded an agreement with Italy, which has ironically been called a gentlemen's agreement. I have heard a gentleman's agreement defined as one in which a man who is a gentleman agrees to call the other party a gentleman, although he knows that he is not one. This agreement contains a clause binding the two parties "to promote friendly relations between the two parties." The Italian propaganda of which I complain is a flagrant breach of that clause of the agreement. No reply is possible in the Italian Press. The Press in Italy is controlled by the Ministry of Propaganda. The Ministry of Propaganda is controlled by the Italian Foreign Office. The Italian Foreign Office is controlled by Count Ciano, and Count Ciano is controlled by his father-in-law, Mussolini. Therefore, any notes to Ciano promptly go into the waste-paper basket.

I believe that some action is necessary. The Foreign Secretary in my opinion has been too prone to believe that a denial given in this House is a sufficient reply. But such denials are never read by the same people who have read or heard the original lie. The question arises, what to do? Let me say at once that I shrink from any idea of crude retaliation. We do not want radio war in the air conducted with mendacity bombs, but perhaps one line of action is to increase the supply of what I will call straight British news, and I believe also that straight contradictions of the more flagrant of these statements would be advisable. If these methods and further representations fail, then I can only say that I consider that this propaganda is most definitely what is called in international relations an unfriendly act, and the question arises whether we ought not—I do not say to sever diplomatic relations—to invite our Ambassador to go on leave and remain absent indefinitely from his post at the seat of a Government which indulges in such unfriendly acts.

4.3 p.m.

The Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (Viscount Cranborne)

I should like to thank the hon. and gallant Member for Nuneaton (Lieut.-Commander Fletcher) for enabling the Foreign Office to enjoy the traditional privilege of winding up the Parliamentary Session, but while I agree that the subject is of the utmost importance, his speech was limited and, as I understand that there are other hon. Members who wish to raise other matters, I hope the House will acquit me of any discourtesy if I reply to the hon. and gallant Member immediately. He has raised two aspects of the same subject. Of one he kindly gave me notice, of the other he did not, that is, of the British news services. It is a question of a technical character but I can assure him that the Government are giving it the most constant and serious consideration. In the past, as we all know, we have never gone in for such a news service or propaganda. We thought that we were our own best propagandists. We thought, and I think righdy, that England was the happiest and freest country in the world and that that must be obvious to everybody. But in view of the facts which the hon. and gallant Member has put before us and in view of the present circumstances, it is obvious that past practice is not entirely adequate.

The hon. and gallant Member raised one special point with regard to the British news services. He asked about the visit of an official of the British Broadcasting Corporation abroad, whether he had returned, whether he went to the Mediterranean, whether he had made a report, whether that report was to be published, and what action would be taken. It is impossible for me to answer all these questions, but I can tell the hon. and gallant Member that this official went to South America to study particular aspects of broadcasting in Spanish and Portuguese. He has come back and his report has been received and is under consideration. It is confidential, and we do not propose to publish it. The hon. and gallant Member also raised a point about a letter written by the editor of a Vancouver journal. I cannot answer that this afternoon but, if he will send me the letter, I will see that it is brought at once to the notice of the competent department of the Foreign Office. The general question of British news services is at the present moment under examination by a special committee appointed by the Cabinet, under the chairmanship of the Minister of Health, and that committee will report to the Cabinet. I can assure the House—and I think the appointment of that committee is direct evidence of it—that we take this question very seriously indeed and recognise its intense importance; but pending the examination of it by the special committee I hope hon. Members will forgive me if I do not make any further statement.

I come now to the main subject of this Debate, the question of anti-British propaganda from Italy. The House will not expect an earth-shaking declaration on this subject, because only two days ago the Government, in answer to a question, made, I should have thought, their attitude sufficiently clear. Indeed, there is, in fact, no disagreement in any quarter of the House in regard to this propaganda. We all hate such organised propaganda from whatever country it comes, whether it be government-inspired, government-controlled or merely government-encouraged, We believe that it represents one of the very worst developments of the modern world.' Of course, there are, as in all things, gradations of badness. There is the form of propaganda in which a country boosts itself, as the American phrase has it. It says it is the best country in the world, that its people are the best in the world, and that its form of government is the best in the world. That form of propaganda does not always carry complete conviction in other countries, and indeed sometimes it tends to amuse people in other countries; but at the same time, I think it will be agreed that, on the whole, it is legitimate and fairly harmless.

There is, however, another form of propaganda which is far more pernicious, that form of propaganda in which a country tries, apparently deliberately, to detract from and to depreciate its neighbours. It seems to me that that form of propaganda is bad from every point of view. It is bad from the point of view of the country that does it, because the people of that country, if the propaganda is conducted through the public Press, get a completely distorted idea of the world situation. That is very dangerous for any people. It is bad also for the people of other countries if it is done over the radio, because they also get a distorted impression, although, of course, to a lesser degree, for they are able by other means to get a truer impression. But to my mind, the worst effect of it is on the relations between the country which attacks and the country which is attacked. There can be nothing that so embitters the relations between two countries as this constant stream of irritating propaganda. I believe that it must take a large share of the blame for the situation that exists in the world to-day. We in England have had considerable experience of propaganda of this description in the years following the War, not from one country but from many countries, and among them undoubtedly from the country about which the hon. and gallant Member has spoken, Italy. From time to time there has been clear evidence, both from the Italian Press and from the Near East and other parts of the world, of propaganda apparently directed entirely against this country.

I do not want at this late hour to elaborate on that subject, especially as many examples have already been given by the hon. and gallant Gentleman. I would, however, emphasise that the British Government have never condoned this propaganda. We have always taken a very serious view of it, and have never said that we were prepared to acquiesce in it. On former occasions, when it has become bad, we have always made the strongest representations, and our experience has been that those representations have led to improvements. They have been, alas, temporary and not permanent improvements but the representations have for the time being led to an improvement. During the last three months there has been a recrudescence of propaganda and it is for that reason, as the House was told a few days ago, that the Foreign Secretary sent for the Italian Ambassador and told him that His Majesty's Government were well aware of this propaganda, adding that, unless it could be brought to an end, it would be impossible to create the atmosphere necessary for the prosecution of successful conversations designed to improve our mutual relations.

Following on that answer there was a supplementary question which my right hon. Friend answered. I think his answer to that supplementary question has given rise to a certain amount of misconception and perhaps I may take this opportunity of clearing it up. My right hon. Friend was asked, "Has this propaganda stopped" and he said "No." I think the impression was gained by numbers of hon. Members that he meant that the representations had entirely failed. He did not mean that. What he meant was that there was no evidence yet that the representations had taken effect and that was not really to be wondered at because the representations were only made recently and they had to be transmitted to Rome and considered there. In those circumstanes it would be premature to say that they have failed. On former occasions they have been, to a certain extent, effective and it is our hope and belief that the good sense of the Italian people will ensure that they are effective again. If they are not effective it is clear that sooner or later we must take further measures. We have taken certain measures but, as I say, if they are not effective we must go further and take such other measures as we think necessary or proper. But I do not want to stress that aspect of the question to-day because we do not want to be compelled to take measures. We do not want strained relations between ourselves and any other country.

What we really want is a return to the confident friendship which existed always in olden times between ourselves and Italy. But I emphasise the fact that confident friendship requires mutual respect and mutual understanding and if this Debate, however short it may have been, serves to show to the Italian Government that opinion in all quarters not only in this House but in the country views this matter with concern; if it shows that it is not a matter, as I have seen suggested in the Press, of one Member of the Government or of the Government as a whole being concerned but that the whole people of the British Isles feel concerned about this, and if it shows that this concern has not been aroused from any natural antipathy to the Italian people but from a sincere desire that such conditions should be created as will allow of the restoration of our old relations with that country, then I believe that this Debate will have served a very useful purpose.