§ 17. Mr. HANNONasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs if during the Parliamentary Recess he has had any further negotiations with the Irish Free State for a conference on the matters under dispute between the Government of the Irish Free State and His Majesty's Government; and if any measures are in progress to dispose of the existing difficulties?
Mr. J. H. THOMASI think it will be convenient, in reply to my hon. Friend's question, to state the position of His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom with regard to the most recent developments in the Irish Free State and in particular to the three Bills, now before the Irish Free State Parliament, for the amendment of the Irish Free State Constitution. I am sure the House will forgive me if my answer is rather long.
We are advised that the legislation conflicts in important respects with the Treaty of 1921, and its passage therefore involves a further repudiation of the obligations entered into by the Irish Free State under that Treaty. We have already made perfectly clear the view which we take of action of this kind. Quite apart from any question of legality we look upon it as a repudiation of an honourable settlement. No modification of the Treaty 727 can properly be made except by agreement between the two countries. But that is not the only aspect of the matter.
The real significance of the Bills is that they clearly indicate an intention gradually to eliminate the Crown from the Constitution of the Irish Free State. Mr. de Valera has told us (as I said in the House of Commons on the 17th June, 1932) that his ultimate aim is the recognition of a United Ireland as a Republic with some form of association with the British Commonwealth in some circumstances and for some reasons and the recognition of the King as the head of the association. Any such proposals would be totally unacceptable to His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom.
Our view can be clearly stated. The Declaration of the Imperial Conference of 1926 as to the relationship of Great Britain and the Dominions under the Crown must be accepted as the basis of the constitutional position of the Irish Free State within the Empire. That Declaration is clearly inconsistent with a state of things under which the Irish Free State would be a member of the British Commonwealth of Nations for some purposes and not for all, and would cease to be united with Great Britain and the Dominions by a common allegiance to the Crown.
Our conception of membership of the British Commonwealth is something entirely different. The Irish Free State as a member of that Commonwealth is, as Mr. de Valera himself must now have learned, completely free to order her own affairs. Membership of the Commonwealth confers great advantages, which by her own action the Irish Free State is tending to lose; the privileges of common citizenship, economic advantages in trading with the rest of the Empire, and the opportunity of powerful influence in international affairs, in concert with the other members of the Commonwealth, in the cause of world peace.
Those privileges carry with them responsibilities, respect for the Crown, loyal observance of engagements, the spirit of friendship and co-operation with the other members of the British Commonwealth. It is our desire to see the Irish Free State taking her full part art a member of the Commonwealth, not grudgingly, but of her own free will, 728 accepting the responsibilities and enjoying the privileges. If she renounce the one, she cannot hope to enjoy the other.
§ Mr. T. WILLIAMSOn a point of Order. I should like to know whether, when there are so many questions on the Order Paper, such a long reply should not come at the end of Questions.
§ Mr. HANNONIn view of the momentous character of the answer, may I ask if the right hon. Gentleman proposes to take any steps, in consultation with the Dominions or in consultation with the Irish Free State, to emphasise the outline of the policy of His Majesty's Government as indicated to the House this afternoon?
Mr. THOMASThe dispute between the Irish Free State and ourselves is a dispute which affects the two countries only. We have never dragged, and do not intend to drag, any one of the Dominions into the internal dispute between ourselves and the Irish Free State. The other issues involved in my answer are matters which are separate and apart from that.
§ Major-General Sir ALFRED KNOXDoes the right hon. Gentleman intend to take any concrete steps? Is it not possible to end this dispute by raising the import duties on produce from Southern Ireland?
§ Sir HERBERT SAMUELMay I ask whether this very important statement does or does not indicate any action that His Majesty's Government propose to take?
Mr. THOMASIt clearly indicates, and was intended to indicate, not only to the people of this country but to the Irish Free State as well, the unanimous decision of His Majesty's Government. No provocative action of any kind is being taken by us, but, although the original dispute on the annuities was an issue between us prior to the Recess, the three Bills introduced by the Irish Free State Government, the purpose of which I have indicated in my answer, show clearly the determination of the Irish Free State Government in this matter. It is unfair and unwise not to indicate clearly to them 729 and to the country the serious view which His Majesty's Government take of the matter.
§ Colonel WEDGWOODDoes it mean that if any of three Bills becomes law we shall be free from the bondage of Ireland?
§ 23. Mr. LEWISasked the Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs to state to the last convenient date the extent to which the Irish Free State is in default on its obligations to this country and the amount the Irish Free State Government has expended by way of export bonuses on those Irish goods which are now subject to special import duties in this country?
Mr. THOMASThe total default of the Irish Free State up to the 1st April, 1933, was £4,774,000, and for the period 1st April-31st October, 1933, £2,473,000. As regards the second part of the question, according to statements made in the Irish Free State Parliament, the total expenditure of the Irish Free State in bounties on agricultural exports was for the period ending 1st April, 1933, £1,345,000 and for the period 1st April to 27th May, 1933, £256,000. I have seen no later figures of actual expenditure; but the amount provided in the Irish Free State Estimates for the current financial year for expenditure on bounties is £2,450,000.