§ Mr. T. P. O'CONNORI had not intended dealing with more than one subject to-night, but, as the last hon. Member has mentioned the case of Cyprus, I feel tempted to say a few words upon that question. I have taken great interest in Cyprus for many years, and have been approached by many people—officials and others—to help them in their claim to be restored to their motherland—Greece. If in any way a country could manifest its opinion, I think Cyprus has manifested its opinion in favour of being joined up to Greece. My hon. and gallant Friend has thrown out a fair challenge, namely, that if the Government have any doubt on the point, the people of Cyprus should have the opportunity, by means of a plebiscite, to state their feelings on this question. They recollect the fact that during the War Cyprus was offered to Greece when under the rule of a king, who was not our friend, and that offer was refused. But when peace comes to be finally settled, they hold that this Government should take an opportunity of acquainting themselves with the views of the people of Cyprus, and they believe it will be found that those views will be in favour of Cyprus being handed back to 718 Greece. I am the happy possessor of a vote of thanks passed at a public meeting in Cyprus, the Patriarch being at the head of it, as a recognition of my efforts, and I think that is some testimony in favour of my view that the people of Cyprus want to be returned to Greece.
I must also say a word about the Armenians. I have been a member of several Armenian committees, and I well remember the two agitations led by Mr. Gladstone in favour of the Armenians. I confess I heard with some misgivings to-day the language of the Prime Minister with regard to Armenia, and especially with regard to Cilicia. I understand from the Armenians themselves that they regard the control of Cilicia by one of the European Powers as being, from their point of view, more essential even than the occupation of Constantinople. When the Prime Minister was speaking about the responsibilities of this country in regard to many other countries I ventured to make the suggestion that we also had a responsibility for saving the Armenians from massacres. It is quite true that the Mussulman majority there is now a still greater majority, but that is due to the fact that so many tens of thousands of Armenians in the Province of Cilicia have been butchered. One cannot see how a people should be willing to regard a butchery, which makes a minority still more a minority, as a justification for a continuance of the rule of the people responsible for the butchery. By the substitution of the Treaty of Berlin for the Treaty of San Stephano the Armenians were returned to Turkish rule. Many Englishmen, and notably Mr. Gladstone, declared at the time that this meant the exposure of the Armenians to butchery, and events have proved that. The responsibility for that foolish and nefarious policy in the later days of the last century rests with this country.
It has been suggested that I was bound to draw an analogy between Cyprus and Ireland. I am prepared to admit the claim that when I start on Cyprus I may undoubtedly land in Ireland. The Chief Secretary informed me earlier in the evening that, owing to circumstances over which he had no control, he could not be present, but would be represented by the learned Attorney-General. I am sure he could not have a more efficient representative. I do not intend to take up much of 719 the time of the House with this matter, especially as my remarks must be limited by the fact that events in Dublin, to which I am going to make some reference, are under consideration by a Committee which has been adjourned, and will also be considered at a promised military inquiry. Therefore I am not going to pronounce anything like a final judgment upon the painful events that took place in that city. I gather from the papers that there has been another unfortunate man killed in Dublin since the events of last Monday night, but whether it was a civilian or a soldier I do not know.
The points that I wish to put before the Attorney-General I put before him for the purpose of getting an assurance from him that by both forms of inquiry, namely, at the inquest, where I under-stand that the Government are represented by counsel, and at the military inquiry, full elucidation will be sought of the incidents of this most unfortunate transaction. It is known that two civilians, a man and a woman, were killed. It is the subject of many conflicting rumours as to how the disturbance, which led to that most tragic event, arose. I find, however, that all the papers agree that the incidents began in the visit of a certain body of young soldiers to a theatre in Dublin. It was quite natural that the soldiers, especially as they were celebrating an important anniversary in their history, should get permission to go to the theatre. Some reports—I pronounce no opinion upon these things; I throw them out as legitimate subjects for inquiry—say that the young soldiers, who I dare say were English boys not acquainted with Irish feelings, and quite unconscious of the somewhat inflammable and susceptible environment in which they were, demonstrated their feelings of approval and disapproval at some of the show which was presented to them They cheered lustily some of the representations, I suppose on the cinema, of military raids in Dublin, including one on the house of Mr. Findlater, a gentleman of Scottish extraction, who might be taken as a model of a citizen of Dublin, and, on the other hand, when events, such as the rearing of a monument to the late Archbishop Croke, were represented, they signified their disapproval by loud hisses.
720 If there were a large audience at the theatre and that audience consisted exclusively of Irishmen, some of them of strong Nationalist opinions, that was somewhat provocative, and I cannot help thinking that it would have been wise if these young soldiers had been accompanied by some senior non-commissioned officers or police who would have represented to them that in the present state of feeling in Ireland it was wiser to abstain from such demonstrations. According to the account that I read, when the soldiers left the Theatre Royal they began to sing, and, very naturally, they sang distinctly English songs, such as "Rule Britannia" and "God Save the King" [HON. MEMBERS: "British songs!"] They sang British songs such as "God Save the King," "Rule Britannia," and shouted "Up with England" and "Down with Sinn Fein." No man can be surprised that young English soldiers should sing these songs and should utter these cries in the proper places and in the proper surroundings. As a matter of fact, an Irishman could not sing some songs that are as much Irish as those songs are British without running grave danger of being sent to Britain.
§ Commander BELLAIRSThey sang them at the Albert Hall.
§ Mr. O'CONNORYes, I know, but it is much safer to sing them at the Albert Hall than at the Theatre Royal in Dublin. One man, for singing a song which is famous at the festive gatherings of my hon. Friends from the North of Ireland, got six or twelve months imprisonment. The "Wearing of the Green" is also a somewhat dangerous song to sing in Ireland at the present time. I put it to the House that, if it be a matter of imprisonment to sing an Irish National song, then there may be ground for resentment that a body of Englishmen should be perfectly free to sing in the public streets of Dublin a song which to an Irish nationalist is the most antagonistic form of singing manifestation that is known. A crowd gathered around, but I do not know that there was anything more serious than perhaps some shouting and a little pushing. I see from one paper, that the crowd were somewhat divided in opinion. Some not only applauded the songs of the soldiers, but actually joined in the singing. When the soldiers had gone a certain 721 distance, the crowd appears to have become more threatening, or the soldiers may have become frightened. They began to strike some of the crowd pressing upon them. Subsequently, the soldiers got to Portobello Bridge, which is not far from their barracks. It is alleged by the military, and this is one of the incidents as to which I am not in a position at present to speak with authority, that shots were fired from the crowd and that one of the soldiers was wounded. That statement may be true or it may be false—I cannot say—but some two or three soldiers were sent to the barracks, and there came out a body of men to the aid of these soldiers who were considered to be in danger. From all the reports that I have read I must say that I do not see that there was much sign of danger, but there may have been. Then some officer came out, and he declared that he would fire on the people, and he did fire, and a man and a woman were killed. I have read the accounts about this man and this woman. If one of the hon. Members for Belfast had been killed in that affray, he would not have been more innocent of any share in the whole business than this poor man and woman. The woman, as I have seen in one of the stories, was actually coming from a chapel where she had been saying her prayers, and the man was a poor working man who had taken no part in the matter. Several shots were fired, and there is an account in the papers of the hurry and scurry of the people, who had only come up to this scene on their way home, and had to take refuge in doorways. There was a rain of bullets. A woman and her husband were accosted and threatened by the soldiers, the woman fainted, and there was a scene of panic, and it really looked as though it was impossible for even the most peaceful citizen of Dublin to pass through the streets without danger to his life.
That is a very serious state of affairs. I do not make a general charge against British soldiers in Ireland. As a matter of fact, I regard these incidents as an essential part, and an inevitable and logical consequence, of the unfortunate and disastrous régime which exists in Ireland to-day, I was told only the other day, by a friend who has returned from Germany, that the British soldiers in Cologne and other occupied cities of Germany were quite popular with the 722 German people, because of their kindness and courtesy to the inhabitants. But here in Dublin it is different. There are all the forms of military government, and there is that atmosphere of popular dislike which militarist government must incite against soldiers brought from another and more powerful country, and representing, as I said the other day, the keeping down by force of the national aspirations of Ireland. The soldiers, however good-natured they may be, however kindly they may be, when brought into an atmosphere like that, are subject to the provocation and temptation to violence, and I say that that is as unfair to them as it is to the unfortunate people among whom they are cast. I see by one of the papers that a priest had to go round and give the last rites of their religion to 8 or 10 people who had been wounded in this transaction. I put it to the House, is not that a manifestation of a state of things in Ireland which must bring a feeling of horror to every man in this House, and to every Englishman, in whatever part of the world he may be? What I hope to obtain from the right hon. and learned Gentleman is a statement that all those incidents shall be subjected to the most severe examination; that it shall be demonstrated that the officer who ordered this shooting into a large crowd of people was justified by the law in doing so; and that, in regard to the death of these two innocent people, the story of whose discovery by their bereaved relatives is to me most touching, it shall be proved that the officer was acting within his legal rights. What we want is an investigation which will prove to the world that it is thorough and impartial, and that, if guilt there be, the man responsible for the guilt shall be made responsible before the world.
§ The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for IRELAND (Mr. Dents Henry)I am sure that the Irish Government and the House ate deeply indebted to the hon. Member for Liverpool for the studied moderation with which he has put this case. I am sure that he is desirous, as we are all desirous, of using no words in this House which will in any way embitter the unfortunate state of affairs that exists on the other side of the Channel. As I gather from him, his main object in bringing this matter before the House is to get from us an assurance that there will be a 723 full and searching inquiry into the matters to which he has referred. I can give him that assurance. An inquest is being held in Dublin relative to the deaths of the two unfortunate individuals, with whose relatives we all sympathise, and in the course of that investigation a great many facts will be elicited. Quite apart from that, however, the occurrence will be investigated fully by the military authorities, and the facts will all be before the public. I may mention, as illustrating the difficulty and trouble that exists in the case of soldiers in the present condition of affairs in the city of Dublin, that, on the following day, that is to say yesterday, in broad daylight, a soldier in plain clothes—not in uniform—was shot dead by three men in the very centre of Dublin; and it will be within the recollection of the hon. Gentleman and other Members of the House that it is not so very long since there was a somewhat similar outbreak in Dublin in relation to the Army. When he refers, as he did, to the use of weapons by the body of men who had gone to the Theatre Royal, I wish to impress upon the House that the 150 men who went to the Theatre Royal were absolutely unarmed. They had no arms of any kind. On their way back to the barracks they were assailed by a crowd. Hon. Members know very well that the unfortunate part of a not in a public street or square is that it nearly always involves, when force is used to suppress it or to disperse the rioters, an innocent victim, and this particular instance was no exception to that rule. It is obvious that the unarmed soldiers, returning to their barracks, were attacked by persons who by no stretch of imagination could be called innocent. One of the soldiers was shot in the chest, and three or four others were wounded, and it was only in the last resort, when there was a difficulty in the soldiers getting back to their barracks, that a telephone message was sent, I think, from a hospital known as the Portobello Hospital, near the Barracks, and a picket came out on to Portobello Bridge for the purpose of relieving the position. The officer in command, who has taken the responsibility for his orders, as he is bound to do, ordered a number of shots to be fired, and those shots, unfortunately, took effect. My hon. and gallant Friend the 724 Member for Central Hull (Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy) asked a question yesterday, but my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary had no information on the subject, as to whether there was any use of machine-guns at any period during that evening. We have had inquiries made of the Major-General Commanding in Dublin, and he assures us that at no period of the proceedings, or at any other time during that evening, was a machine-gun used. The whole incident resolves itself into this attack upon unarmed soldiers returning from the theatre. No doubt they sang "God Save the King" and "Rule Britannia." I think they might have sung it with greater safety in Cologne. I can assure my hon. Friend that the lamentable result will be most fully investigated by the authorities, and, if it should turn out that there is any blame attaching to any persons connected with the military or with any other branch of the administration, the facts will be put before the proper authority in order that those who are to blame may be dealt with.
§ Mr. T. P. O'CONNORMay I ask the hon. and learned Gentleman whether it is true, as stated in some of the papers, that Mr. O'Brien is at present in an extremely dangerous state of health, and could not the Government see their way immediately to order his release?
§ Mr. HENRYMr. O'Brien is ill as the result of hunger strike. A number of prisoners in Wormwood Scrubs went on hunger strike. They have all given it up with one exception. Mr. O'Brien refuses to be removed to hospital and refuses to take food, and he has been warned as to the consequences which may ensue, and his friends have been informed.
§ Question put, and agreed to.
§ Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.
§ The remaining Orders were read and postponed.
§ There being Private Business set down for consideration at a Quarter-past Eight o'clock, by direction of the Chairman of Ways and Means under Standing Order No. S. The House proceeded to the consideration of such business, pursuant to the Order of the House of the 9th March.