DISTURBANCE, MILLTOWN MALBAY. (Hansard, 19 April 1920)

§ Mr. T. P. O'CONNOR
I hope that the House will listen to me for a few minutes. I want to call attention to what I think is a most serious and most instructive incident which has recently taken place in Ireland. On the liberation of the persons who were on hunger strike there was, of course, naturally in Ireland a considerable outburst of rejoicing. If moderate gentlemen think I am wrong in calling attention to this, as they thought me wrong in calling attention to other incidents recently, I hope that they will realise that I induced and encouraged the Government to reverse their policy of refusing to release these prisoners, and in doing so averted the Government from a tragic blunder, and hon. Members will rejoice that my efforts succeeded. I hope that the House will realise that in reference to this incident, also I am endeavouring to rescue the Government from a very perilous policy with regard to the good name not only of Ireland but of England as well. On the release of these prisoners there was an outburst of rejoicing all over Ireland. That feeling reached Milltown Malbay, a small seaside village in County Clare, and there was a procession arranged. If that had taken place in England or Scotland or Wales, where there would be a police inspector entrusted to look after such matters in a perfectly rational spirit, nothing would have happened—the procession would have come and gone, there would have been speeches made, speeches possibly of a hot character but without anyone being harmed, and there might have been expressions of sympathy with Sinn Fein and an Irish Republic. But the head of the police in this case, whoever he 184 was, taking that panic-stricken and violent view that I am afraid is the inevitable accompaniment of the policy of coercion, took it into his head that the procession must be stopped. I know the learned Attorney-General will tell me that all processions in County Clare are illegal under D.O.R.A. That may be true technically and pedantically, but at the same time anyone having sympathy with the relief of the people of Ireland and with the relief of my hon. and learned Friend and the Leader of the House, would have ignored D.O.R.A. and would have allowed the procession to come and go. Instead of that the police authority, having immediately declared that this procession should be broken up, went to the military and called for assistance. The result was that this procession was attacked by soldiers and police. Up to this point the facts are admitted. After this I find a conflict between the statement of the Attorney-General and the statements of persons on the spot. It was stated by the Attorney-General that there was a shot fired from the crowd. I do not know as to that. The soldiers were asked by the police to fire on the crowd. It would have been a peaceful crowd but for that intervention. As a result of the firing on the crowd three people were killed and ten wounded. One of the persons killed was a man who was carrying on his back a wounded man to a place of safety. One of those wounded was a man of Irish descent who had served in the American Army and was home on vacation. The incident has created a feeling of intense indignation and bitterness. Have I to remind the House that even to this day the Peterloo massacre is a slogan among the working classes in Lancashire? Canon Hannan, the priest of the place, says that It was hard to speak with fitting calmness and moderation of the awfully tragic circumstances under which three of his parishioners were shot down. Then he tells the story of the incident, hut makes no mention of any attack from the crowd. He says the people were not called upon to disperse, and without giving them any fair chance of doing so the order to fire was given. The order was obeyed and three men were shot dead 185 and several more or less seriously wounded. So far as he knew the soldiers were not organised by volunteers or any other political organisation. The Bishop of the Diocese (Dr. Fogarty), who was unable to be present at the funeral, telegraphed these words: Universal sorrow at slaughter of your helpless and inoffensive people. I tender my deepest sympathy to you and the friends of the victims. The Bishop concluded by exhorting all to exercise self-control in face of provocation. I find that so strong was the feeling excited that the coffins of the victims were brought twice past the scene of the shooting, where three crosses had been erected bearing the Gaelic inscription: May God have mercy on the souls of those who fell on this spot, and died for Ireland. At the funeral three thousand Volunteers attended, in order to signify their feelings. I ask the House to believe me when I say that I call attention to events like this in order to, get them to realise the truth of the argument that I have used over and over again, that the explanation of the present horrible and tragic state of things in Ireland is not that crime produces repression, but that repression produces crime. This occurrence is symptomatic of what is taking place in Ireland. I believe that in calling the attention of the House and of the people of this country to incidents like these I am doing the best service I can to this country, as well as doing my duty to Ireland, and that I am taking what may be the first step towards the restoration of order and law-abiding conditions, in place of the chaos and anarchy which exist in Ireland to-day. It is things like this which drive the people mad and make them think they are an oppressed people, when life is not safe from the action of a foolish inspector. I am sure the poor unfortunate soldiers did not act on their own initiative and of their own will, but under the authority of this foolish, stupid police inspector, which is the inevitable result of the military system everywhere. You produce a feeling of recklessness, and sometimes a feeling and desire for reprisals, in face of the crimes on the other side, and the police and soldiers get out of hand, and the result is that you have this awful condition, and a condition 186 which I deplore as sincerely as any man in this House.

§ Major O'NEILL
I think the considerations which the hon. Member who has just sat down has placed before the House should be considered also in the light of the other side of the question. The other side of the question to-day in Ireland is terribly tragic—every bit as tragic as the side which the hon. Member has put forward. If I had time, I should like to ask how many British soldiers have been attacked even in the last few days, and hours, by the population in different parts of Ireland, and how many police have been murdered in cold blood, shot from behind hedges, and otherwise dealt with by the civilian population. But I do not wish to go into those matters. I merely want to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he can in any way amplify the information given by the Leader of the House to-day with regard to the conditions which were attached to the release of the Sinn Fein prisoners from Mountjoy prison. The right hon. Gentleman told us that a kind of parole was read over to them and they did not object to it, and that thereupon some of them were sent to hospital and some to their homes. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether they were asked to sign the parole, and whether, in fact, they refused to do so, as has been stated in the Press. When one considers the extremely difficult position of those in the South and West of Ireland who consist of a minority who are the law-abiding population, one does want to ask the Government whether they have properly considered all the different results which may happen as the result of the action which they have taken with regard to the Sinn Fein prisoners. If they are in hospital or are in their own homes, are they to be allowed to remain at large upon the kind of parole which, apparently, they themselves never signed, if it is true that they were asked to sign it? We are told that the action taken with regard to the Sinn Fein prisoners in Mountjoy Prison was based upon the action taken in the case of Alderman O'Brien. I should like to ask what is now being done with regard to Alderman O'Brien. Has he recovered? Is he still in hospital sick? If he has recovered, what is going to be done with him? Is he going to be allowed completely at large, or is he going 187 to be placed in prison again or put under some form of restraint or otherwise?

§ Lieut.-Commander KENWORTHY
Is he going to be brought to trial?

§ Major O'NEILL
I do not know whether his case is that of a person who has been arrested with a view to trial, or whether he has simply been arrested under the Defence of the Realm Regulations, on suspicion, on a charge for which he cannot be tried. There are a great many people, unfortunately, as things happen to be in Ireland, arrested under those conditions, and quite rightly, as I maintain, and it is just as important that they should be kept under some form of restraint as it is that people who are going to be tried should be kept under restraint. I would ask my right hon. Friend to tell us a little more, because there are many people in Ireland who wish to know what the policy of the Government is with regard to this matter.

§ Mr. MacVEAGH
I only rise for the purpose of expressing my regret at the attitude which has just been taken by my hon. and gallant Friend opposite (Major O'Neill), an attitude, I am sure, that his own Leader, if he were here, would not adopt. I would remind him that he should set an example against law breaking, and that it does not lie with him to make any charge.

§ Major O'NEILL
I make no charge

§ Mr. MacVEAGH
The hon. and gallant Member assisted in running guns in Ireland for the purpose of civil war, and engaged in assisting the importation of arms for the purpose of waging war against the Crown.

§ Major O'NEILL
I am sure the hon. Member would deprecate, as I do, entering into these matters now. All I say is that, whatever happened in the past before the War, no Ulster volunteer would ever have fired at a policeman or soldier from behind a hedge.

§ Mr. MacVEAGH
I do not know what the hon. and gallant Gentleman would have done with the rifles he imported from Germany before the War. Is he pre pared to admit that he was not going to use them against the forces of the Crown? Yet he gets up to-night and lectures other Irishmen—

§ Major O'NEILL
I was asking for information.

Mr. J. JONES
You are getting it now.

§ Mr. MacVEAGH
There is a limit to human endurance I know quite well that the hon. and gallant Gentleman has no desire to promote ill-feeling in Ireland. I know him well enough to be sure that his spirit is entirely different, and that is why I deplore such an intervention as he has made to-night. He would be doing much better work if he were endeavouring to promote good feeling in Ireland.

§ Sir C. CORY
So you might, as well as the hon. Member for the Scotland Division (Mr. T. P. O'Connor).

§ Mr. MacVEAGH
I would be glad if the Attorney-General could also give us a word of explanation as to why no evidence was produced at the inquest with regard to the allegation of the Lord-Lieutenant that the Lord Mayor of Cork was murdered as the result of a secret conspiracy. The Lord Lieutenant made a statement to a newspaper interviewer in which he said that the authorities had evidence that a secret meting was held at which it was decided to shoot a certain man who was found four days later, and because the Lord Mayor of Cork opposed that decision for assassination he was assassinated. The Lord Lieutenant and Assistant-Under-Secretary were asked to give evidence in proof of their statement, and both declined to come to the court. I ask why the evidence was not given in that case, and if they knew of the decision to shoot the Lord Mayor why the evidence was not produced. Some of the statements made by the Lord Lieutenant are of a most extraordinary character, and, in view of the fact that he has repudiated three newspaper interviews he gave, people are very chary of accepting his statements in Ireland to-day.

§ Mr. SPEAKER
The hon. Member is making an attack on the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. He must remember that he must do it by formal Motion and not in Debate. He must put down a Motion if he desires to criticise or attack the Lord Lieutenant.

§ Mr. MacVEAGH
I of course bow to your ruling. I presume I am in order in asking the Attorney-General why the 189 Government did not produce the evidence at the inquest which they alleged.

§ The ATTORNEY-GENERAL for IRELAND (Mr. Denis Henry)
In respect to the information asked for by the hon. and gallant Member (Major O'Neill) I may say that the Leader of the House gave all the information in the possession of the Government up till this morning as to the circumstances under which Mountjoy prisoners were released. I cannot add anything to what he said. So far as any further action is concerned, that will be a matter for consideration, and will depend on the conduct and the circumstances of the prisoners. My hon. Friend the Member for the Scotland Division (Mr. T. P. O'Conner) has raised a question in reference to an encounter that took place between civilians and a small force of military police on the night of Wednesday, 14th April. He has admitted that, technically speaking, perhaps the assemblage was illegal, but I will not go upon that technically. The fact is that at Milltown Malbay, in the County of Clare, a crowd, composed of 150 people, assembled at to light a bonfire That they were armed was proved beyond all doubt, because they were the aggressors, and the first discharge of firearms was made at the force of military and police by members of the crowd. It was in reply to the attack made upon them that the military and police themselves fired. I regret to say that this was not an isolated case in Ireland that night. There was another bonfire on the East Coast, at Balbriggan, and Sergeant Finnerty, of the Royal Irish Constabulary, was shot at, and as a result of his wounds has since died. At least ten or twelve or perhaps more shots were fired from a crowd of 150 people before any discharge of firearms was made by the military or the police in self-protection.

§ Mr. O'CONNOR
Was that before any attempt was made to disperse the crowd?

§ Mr. HENRY
I believe they were warned to disperse, but the first act of violence came from the crowd itself. The possession of firearms under these circumstances was absolutely illegal. Further, in that very part of the country, on the Sunday, within a comparatively few miles of where this incident occurred—I think my hon. Friend will bear me out when I say that the condition of Clare has been a disgrace—an attack was made on two members of the constabulary. One, a sergeant, was shot down dead on returning home from his place of worship, and the other, a constable was very seriously wounded. My hon. Friend will admit that the circumstances in Clare are not exactly the circumstances to which he has called attention in this case. They are extremely serious and grave, and it is a matter of common knowledge in Ireland that it is practically impossible in certain districts for any member of the Royal Irish Constabulary to go out after dark except at the risk of his life. The circumstances are as I have stated them. The patrol consisted of 13 men. The number of the crowd was about a hundred and fifty, and this regrettable incident entirely arose—so my information goes—from an unprovoked attack made by members of the crowd upon the patrol who were merely discharging their duty in the ordinary course.

§ Lieut. - Commander KENWORTHY
Will there be any inquiry?