§ I know what the Government propose. I know also what will happen if the demand which the Government is putting forward is not responded to. It is idle to imagine, as some people very light-heartedly seem to think, that you have an unlimited reservoir of man-power in this or in any belligerent country. We have already raised in this country, for military and naval purposes, very nearly 6,000,000 men. We cannot raise here the same proportion of men per population as you can in other belligerent countries. I have repeatedly emphasised that in the House of Commons. We have the greatest Navy in the world. The command of the seas, not merely for ourselves, but for our Allies, depends upon the efforts that we put forward. That is not only a question of manning the Fleet. It is also a question of building. It is a question of adding to the numbers of the ships. It is a question of repairing the ships. Then you have the Mercantile Marine, without which the Allies could not continue the struggle for a single month. All that must be borne in mind, and, whatever may happen, and whatever proposals we put forward to-day, it would be folly to do anything which would interfere with that one fundamental condition of success for the Allies—that the Navy and Shipping must be first. We have also to supply coal largely to our Allies, as well as steel, but, owing greatly to improved organisation in the various industries, to the way that they are adapting themselves from day to day to new conditions, and to the increased numbers and increased efficiency of women labour, there is a reserve of men which, consistent with the discharge of those obligations, may yet be withdrawn in a great emergency for our battle line, not without damage to industry—I do not for-get that—not without weakening, to a certain extent, the economic strength of the country, and not without imposing restrictions, perhaps privations, but without impairment to the striking power of the country for war. Nothing could 1352 justify such drastic action except an overwhelming emergency, precipitated by a great military crisis.
§ I want to point out specially why steps taken now are steps which will be useful in this battle. First of all, it is a battle which may last for months. The decision may be taken, not now or next month, but months hence. The Allies at the present moment have the same reserves of man-power to reinforce their Armies as Germany has, without taking into account these great reserves in America. The Germans, however, are calling up another class which will produce 550,000 efficient young men. These will be prepared to be thrown into the battle line.
§ Sir C. HOBHOUSEWhat class?
§ The PRIME MINISTERThe 1920 class. [An HON. MEMBER: What age—seventeen?] No, eighteen and a half.
§ The PRIME MINISTERThese can be thrown into the battle line before this fight is over, and we must be prepared for their advent in the struggle this year. Therefore, I have to submit to Parliament the proposals for increasing, and increasing very materially, the reserves which will be available for reinforcing our Armies in the field during this prolonged battle, upon which we are only just entering. If the House will bear with me, I will now give, roughly, some of the proposals which we intend to make, in order to increase the number of men available. We have already raised for the armed forces during the first quarter of the year more than that quarter's proportion of the original number of men which was estimated as the minimum required for the present year. We are also, as the House is aware, effecting a very strict comb-out of some of the essential industries. Very large levies have been taken from the munition works. They will amount, I think, to something like 100,000 Grade 1 men. That has been done already this year. It will, of course, involve the utilisation of other labour to a very large extent in the munition works.
A call of 50,000 men has been made already on the coal industry, and these men are being rapidly recruited. I regret to say that, the military needs will necessitate the calling up of another 50,000 men 1353 from this industry. We are convinced, after entering into the matter very carefully, that these men can be spared without endangering the essential output of coal for national industries. No one is likely to forget the fine response made by the miners at the beginning of this War, or the splendid part which they have taken in hundreds of battles since then. They are loyal in meeting the present demand of 50,000 men, and I am confident that they will meet the further call upon them in the same spirit, in view of the great national emergency under which we are making it. The transport services are also being called upon to release the greatest possible number of fit men.
Further calls are to be made upon the Civil Service. I do not think that it is realised how much the Civil Service has done already. On the one hand, it has had to release a large number of men for the Army, and on the other hand it has had to meet, and is meeting, an increased strain of work. But, even at the risk of some dislocation, we must call upon it to do more, and a clean cut of young fit men must be made. It is proposed that no fit men below the age of twenty-five should be retained [Hon. Members: "Thirty- five!" Other Hon. Members: "Forty- five !"] Twenty-five. That is the clean cut. We comb out beyond that. That is what is called the "clean cut." I shall ex plain it later. It is proposed that it should be applied to other industries as well. When we are adding to the age, and when we are extending the military age, it should not be said that there are fit young men of twenty-five who are employed in the various industries of the country. This will bring the Civil Ser vice into line and on a general level, as far as the clean cut is concerned, with the munition industries.
Under the Act passed in January this year, we are issuing Orders cancelling all occupational exemptions by age blocks in specified occupations. That is the clean cut. The first of these Orders is being laid on the Table of the House to-day, and other Orders of the same power will follow. I know the House will appreciate that it is necessary not merely to have men, but to have them quickly. It is no use raising them unless they are raised in time to take part in the struggle this year, when we shall be short of drafts if the battle be a prolonged one. The Government, therefore, have shortened the length of the 1354 calling-up notice from fourteen days to seven, and have authorised the serving of the notice by whatever method is most expeditious and convenient. It may be necessary even to curtail rights of appeal on medical grounds, but for the moment it is not proposed to do so. We have had a good many frivolous appeals, which have wasted a good deal of time, and if that should go on, it will be absolutely necessary, in the interests of the security of the country, that the rights of appeal should be curtailed in this respect. There is another consideration. The strain upon the medical profession has already been great. We are very short of medical men, and we may be driven to do it by the hard necessities of the case.
§ Mr. SNOWDENWhy have any medical examination at all?
§ Sir C. KINLOCH-COOKEWhat about the conscientious objectors?