HC Deb 14 June 1910 vol 17 cc1273-87

In addition to the other lands which the Company are by this Act authorised to purchase and acquire, they may purchase or acquire by agreement or take on lease and use for the purposes of a golf course and let on lease or otherwise to any club, company, body, or person, lands in the parishes of Ballywillin and Dunluce, in the county of Antrim, now occupied and used for the purposes of a golf course, and known as the Portrush Golf Links, and any lands necessary or desirable for an extension or alteration of the said golf course, and the company may upon such lands, or any part thereof, form, alter, maintain, regulate, manage, and use a golf course, with all proper and convenient houses, pavilions, shops, works, buildings, and conveniences, and may make charges for the use thereof, as they think fit, and the company and the owner, or owners of, and all other persons interested in the said lands, or any part thereof, or the Royal Portrush Golf Club, or any other company, body, or person may enter into and carry into effect agreements with respect to all or any of the matters aforesaid.

Mr. KERR-SMILEY

moved to add at the end of the Clause the words, "Provided that golf shall not be played on such golf course on Sundays without the consent of the Portrush Urban District Council."

May I state at once that I have no wish to show hostility to the Bill or to hinder its passing. I only have to deal with Clause 25, which deals with the acquisition by the Midland Company of what is known as the Portrush Golf Club. The Midland Company own a large hotel in Portrush, and naturally they are anxious to make it pay. Of course, their object in wishing to acquire Portrush Golf Club is to attract week-end visitors from Belfast and other centres, and if this Clause were allowed to pass as it stands there would be nothing to prevent the railway company from opening the links on Sunday. The people in the town of Portrush and neighbourhood will have absolutely no remedy, although it is well known that, by an overwhelming majority, they are opposed to it—indeed, the whole Protestant population of the North of Ireland are strongly opposed to the opening of the golf links on Sunday. There is no doubt about this question. Last autumn a proposal was made to open the links on Sunday, and it caused a great deal of indignation in the neighbourhood. I can bear testimony to that fact, because I happened to be staying there at the time, and it was shown very clearly that there were only a few members of the golf club in favour of the innovation. On that occasion a memorial was sent in by the ratepayers, representatives of the merchants, and householders of Portrush, protesting vigorously against any attempt to introduce golf on Sundays, and I should like to read the protest which was presented by the town clerk at a special meeting of the club that year:— He said the nineteen sheets which formed the protest bore 401 signatures, including 3G0 householders and residents of Portrush, and forty-one residents in the immediate neighbourhood. Ten of the eleven urban district councillors at present in Portrush were strongly in favour of the protest. Four ministers of the town had signed it, as well as over 340 of the general ratepayers, representing practically the merchants and inhabitant householders of Portrush. The protest was not, for obvious reasons, presented to visitors at present occupying the houses in the town. The protest was simply presented for signature only to householders, and the committee met with not more than twelve refusals. I should think that this proves conclusively to the Members of this House that the residents in the district are absolutely against golf being introduced on Sundays, and I am quite certain that they are against having the Sabbath broken by the incursion of golfers from Belfast and other places. It may be difficult for some Members of this House to understand our attitude. I hope, however, they will respect the feelings of the people of Portrush in this matter. They are absolutely sincere, and I think they are entitled to the consideration of the House. You are bound to respect the feelings of the majority in a matter of this sort. If this Clause be allowed to pass the railway company will be able to ignore the opinion of the people, and to outrage the feelings of thousands of the inhabitants of Ulster. There would be no remedy. It will be impossible when the railway company get control of the links to prevent them doing what they desire in the matter. I hope the Members of this House will consider the feelings of the people in this district, and that the Clause which we are now discussing will be amended in such a way that the company will not be allowed to introduce golf on Sunday without the consent of Portrush Urban District Council.

Mr. HUGH BARRIE

I desire to second the addition to Clause 25. I have the honour to represent a suburb of the locality affected by this proposal, and I wish to emphasise, in the first place, what my hon. Friend said to the effect that we are not animated by any hostility to the Bill, but we are only anxious that the strong expression of opinion of this district should be respected by those responsible for this Bill. The position briefly is that for many years past we have had a very prosperous golf club at Portrush, run entirely as a private concern and rented from Lord Antrim. When the original lease, which I think was for twenty-one years, expired there was demanded what in the eyes of the members of the golf club was an extortionate rent. They were not able to come to terms with Lord Antrim, and proceedings were carried forward a considerable way in the direction of acquiring other grounds with a view to opening a rival golf course. At that time the railway company, animated, I fear, purely by the commercial aspect of the question, stepped in and took a lease of the original golf links belonging to Lord Antrim, and they have sublet the golf course, as I understand it, or at least they have made a provisional arrangement with the golf club to let it for a shorter term. The council which controls that club has a considerable number of the friends of the railway company upon it, and one of their first acts was to raise the ordinary membership fee to double what it was before. The result was that we had a large number of resignations, and those of us who have looked askance at the policy of the railway company have come to the conclusion that they obviously wished to get rid quietly of the ordinary private golfer, and run this golf course only as an annexe to the railway and the railway hotel, which is well known in Portrush. We know that a railway company is apt to look at the commercial aspect of the matter only, and the directors of a railway company, regulated from England, are not likely to be closely in touch with local feeling or sentiment.

Of course, those who support the Bill say the railway company have no intention of running counter to local feeling; but I desire to say that we have refused to accept that statement when it is made, and we have appealed to the facts as they present themselves to us. Last year the council of the golf club, set in motion, we believe, by the railway company, called a meeting of the ordinary members of the club with a view to getting the premises to open on Sunday. They expected to carry that by a majority, and every facility was given for the attendance of those who supported Sunday golf. The meeting was called for a Saturday afternoon when cheap week-end trains were being run and also Saturday afternoon excursions. I am glad to be able to say that the proposition failed by a majority of two to one, and we did think that the railway had accepted that decision, and that they would not be likely to proceed further in that direction until some evidence could be produced of an altered state of local feeling. May I say here that we have got another piece of evidence of what the intention is. While it has become necessary to double the ordinary membership subscription, the railway company have come to terms with the council of the golf club and insisted that the charges to the visitors to the hotel at Portrush are not to be altered. Everything points to the fact that the policy is to make this purely a department of the railway company, run for profit regardless of local opinion. We had still further proof of that last year when a skating rink was erected on the railway company's property adjacent to the station, the capital of which was largely held by the railway company, although for the most part in a private name. We found that within a few weeks of the opening of the skating rink that the railway company were actively supporting the management of that rink in a series of Sunday concerts. Excursion trains were run from all parts to Portrush, and the Sunday while those excursions lasted was turned into a fair rather than the quiet day which we have the privilege of enjoying in that part of the country.

I do not think it is necessary to add much more except for the purpose of telling hon. Members who have no knowledge of Portrush that this is not a case of a golf course situated at some distance from a populous centre. The golf course at Portrush is situated in the centre of the market, and in course of time buildings have been erected on three sides of that course. If, therefore, we are to have Sunday golf there, the play will be distinctly seen from the town, and local feeling is offended in a way which it could not be if the links were away from the town. I think that the mild proposal which my hon. Friend has made to leave this matter to a popularly elected body is equitable, and should have the support and sympathy of this House. If the time does come when local feeling changes, then we may rely upon it that the electors will see that their representatives on that board properly represent local opinion, but we do not know that at the present moment local feeling is hostile to it. A writer in the "Irish Times" newspaper said the attitude of the Portrush people was unaccountable, and if they were as hard-headed and as commercial as it was thought, they were warned in a leader of that Dublin paper that if they persisted in asking their Members to move this Amendment they were going to lose thousands of pounds per annum. The answer of the people of that locality to that important organ of public opinion is, that since the article appeared the urban council have again passed a unanimous resolution against these golf links passing into the hands of the railway company, and they are prepared to make any necessary monetary sacrifice because they feel that those they represent wish to have the Sunday observed as it is at present, and they look to the House to help them in resisting the proposal which is now made.

Viscount MORPETH

I think it is rather unfortunate that the time of the Imperial House of Commons should be taken up in discussing the internal politics of the Portrush Golf Club. It is more unfortunate, because if this matter had been as important as is represented by hon. Members, they might perfectly well have raised the question in Committee, when evidence could have been taken, where both sides could have been heard, and where the matter could have been settled rather than in this House.

Mr. HUGH BARRIE

We had no notice that such a clause was in the Bill.

Viscount MORPETH

The Bill was printed before the Second Reading, and nobody could have made any mistake about the matter. Clause 25, which is a long clause, contains this proposal, and could not have escaped the vigilant eyes, of the hon. Members for Ulster. My hon. Friend said he was afraid the railway company were animated by the purely commercial aspect of the matter. The railway company naturally goes to Port-rush in the expectation of traffic and of serving the needs of the district, for which they hope to receive a due return in the shape of profits. I do not think it is necessary to apologise to the railway company for having pushed enterprise in this direction, and I should have thought that the inhabitants of Portrush would have welcomed the railway, which is well known to serve to the best of its ability those districts in which it runs. The hon. Gentleman let drop, in the course of his speech, that the Railway Hotel is admirably conducted. I should have thought that, knowing that the railway company conducted their hotel in such a way as to give satisfaction to the inhabitants of Port-rush, they might have trusted it with regard to the golf course. Other railway companies have golf courses, but I never heard that there has been any difficulty, and I do not imagine that there would be any difficulty in the future in regard to this special case, even if the Amendment is not carried.

At the present time there is no golf played at Portrush, but I have no doubt that if Lord Antrim or the president of the club chose to have golf in Portrush on these links, which are private links, the urban district council would not be able to prevent them, therefore this attempt on the part of my hon. Friend is to put the new owner of the golf course in an entirely different position from the present owner. The Midland Company have only acquired this course for the benefit of the town, because there was some danger of it being closed altogether. I have seen some of those who are responsible for the policy of the railway company, and they wish the House to be informed that it is not their intention to fly counter to the wishes of the inhabitants, nor to have golf unless there is a general wish that it should be so. The management of the links will be in the hands of a local committee, as at present, which will lease it from the railway, as they now lease it from Lord Antrim, but they are not prepared to have an absolutely unprecedented Clause put into the Bill which will tie their hands and which will place the control of their property and the management of the links in the hands of the urban district council. They contend that it would be impossible to manage their property and the company as a whole if they were to be made subject throughout the whole length of their system to the varying demands and requests of every local authority through which they pass. They think this would introduce so dangerous a precedent and would be so inimical to railway working that they are not able to accept the Amendment, although it is their intention to carry on the links as far as possible on the same lines as they have been carried on in the past. I have no doubt that if the House will put this power in their hands Portrush has nothing to fear from the management of the course.

MARQUESS of HAMILTON

Can the Noble Lord give a guarantee that golf will not be played on Sunday? If so, probably my hon. Friend will withdraw his Amendment.

Viscount MORPETH

I understand it is not the intention of the railway company to start golf unless it is generally desired by the people who use the links, but obviously they cannot bind themselves for all eternity, because the opinion of Ulster may change and in a few short years the harmless golf may be played even in North Ireland as it is in many other parts of the United Kingdom.

Captain CRAIG

I am very sorry that the Noble Lord has not accepted the suggestion of his Friends and given a guarantee on behalf of the company on this important point. The question is not one which rests with the players of golf, but the objection is entirely with the local people, who object to people coming in from a distance and playing golf to their annoyance. After all, it is a matter which has aroused very great interest and considerable feeling in the locality. The Noble Lord said it is not their intention to fly in the face of local opinion. That is the whole point. My hon. Friends have only asked that there should not be golf on Sunday. Why, therefore, cannot the Noble Lord give a guarantee that this very reasonable demand should be acceded to? The Noble Lord complains that the proper time was when this Bill was in Committee. On these private Bills, especially railway Bills, it is extremely hard for any hon. Members to follow them in Committee upstairs, and, therefore, the local people look to their Member to keep them right, and do not always instruct those who are learned in the law to appear before the Committee. The proper time for hon. Members to object to the Bill is when it actually comes to the House. The local people have said it is not a question with them of monetary considerations. They have made up their minds that they do not want this particular game played in their neighbourhood on the Sabbath Day, and they are not, therefore, going to be browbeaten by threats from the railway company that if they do not give in they will suffer financially all the other six days of the week. The railway company has always had the very highest name in that part of Ireland. The Midland Railway Company, or what we know more familiarly as the Northern Counties Railway Company, have been pioneers in the north of Ireland, and they are noted for their courtesy and good management all through. Therefore it is with no feeling of animosity to the railway company as a whole that I speak. I only hope that pressure may be brought to bear on the Noble Lord to give way in this matter until a change of sentiment takes place in the locality, and the local authority said, "Well, there has been a change in the times, and we will not object to have golf."

Sir J. COMPTON-RICKETT

I should like to say, as the Chairman of the Committee which dealt with the Bill, I quite agree that the House of Commons appears to be like a steam' hammer—it can flatten out a bar of iron or crack a Barcelona nut. In this case it is the Barcelona nut. This is an omnibus Bill, and amongst other matters it concerns the town of Bradford very largely; it provides for the abandonment of certain lines in order to make way for a large scheme connecting the Midlands by a new route with Scotland; it also affects the City of Halifax, and the Midland Railway Company have come to terms with that city on the suggestion of the Committee. At the fag end of the Bill there is the power to acquire links at Portrush. Counsel appeared in regard to other points, but not a word was said about golf. It seems to me—and I have had some experience of Committees—a very unusual thing that is now proposed. I know of no case of putting upon a company the necessity of applying to a local authority to use the property confided to them by Act of Parliament. I should think it would be a very undesirable thing for the House of Commons to initiate, and I strongly advise them not to do so, for it would be better to strike out the Clause altogether. I do not myself indulge in golf on Sunday, but at the same time I do not believe in restricting the action of individuals by Act of Parliament in the interests of the keeping of Sunday. I should hope that the House will see their way to pass the Bill in the form in which it passed through Committee.

Sir J. MARK STEWART

Although I am not an Irish Member I live near Ireland part of the year, and I know the feelings of the people there as well as I know the feelings of my own countrymen. I know that the Glasgow and South Western Railway Company are closely allied with the Midland Railway Company, and I know what they have done in a somewhat similar case at Prestwick. There they have a large hotel and good links for golf. The consequence of that is that a great many strangers come and avail themselves of the links to the disgust of many in the community. I think this is just a case where the local people ought to have something to say. They are not dependent on any particular railway company and the making of money for the shareholders. They view this affair in a very different manner from certain hon. Members. They look upon Sunday as a day for rest and worship, and they do not like to see strangers they have never heard of or seen before coming down to enjoy their game of golf at the expense of many people who have not their rest, for there are many employed on such occasions. Refreshments have to be made ready, and caddies have to be got hold of. The boys who act as caddies do not learn very much on Sunday. What has done Scotland far more harm than anything else—I am speaking religiously—is the invasion of shooting tenants who come down to certain places and amuse themselves. It is possible that the railway companies may make a great deal out of it. That is not what the country wants. A railway ought to be used mainly for the benefit of a whole district, and if a district does not favour golf being played on Sunday, this Clause ought to be dropped. I hope those who oppose the playing of golf on Sunday will see that the Clause is cut out. I know it is a difficult thing to allow it to be cut out at this stage, but this is the only way in which private Members can make their voices heard on such an occasion as this.

Mr. CHARLES CRAIG

I hope the House will not be influenced to a great extent by the Chairman of the Committee before which the Bill was considered. I contend that this particular point is essentially one for the House and not for the Committee. It is a question whether in a matter where local feeling is touched, especially, as in this case, from the religious point of view, with respect to the observance of Sunday, the House ought to deal with it rather than the Committee upstairs. I would remind the House that the acceptance of the Amendment will not in the slightest degree hurt the remainder of the Bill. I submit that on a question of this kind, if local opinion in any district is very strong, as in this case, the Amendment ought to be accepted, because, in spite of what the Noble Lord (Viscount Morpeth) has said, the railway company will be able, if the Clause remains in the Bill as it stands, to force Sunday golf on the inhabitants of Portrush. I say that is an unusual state of affairs, and one that should not be allowed. The Noble Lord said you could leave this matter entirely in the hands of the railway company. We say that you could equally well leave it in the hands of the local authority of Port-rush. As soon as that local authority comes to the conclusion that Sunday golf will be a good thing for Portrush, you may be perfectly sure they will communicate that to the railway company. At the present moment the people of the district are very much opposed to playing Sunday golf. So long as that is the case, it would be very wrong for the House of Commons to allow any outside body, such as the railway company, to impose on the people something to which they are very much averse. I hope that, under these circumstances, the House will agree to the Amendment, which is not one that will put an end to the Bill, but will have a most infinitesimal effect on the railway company while giving the greatest satisfaction to all those residing in or near Portrush.

9.0 P.M.

Mr. ILLINGWORTH (Lord of the Treasury)

In consequence of the serious illness of the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade (Mr. H. J. Tennant), I have been asked, at very short notice, to attempt to fill his place, however inadequately I may be prepared to do so. I am quite sure that the House will be glad to hear that my hon. Friend is on the road to recovery, and will soon be with us once again. We have had a very interesting discussion, and the speeches of the Mover and the Seconder, as well as others, have been marked with dignity and sincerity and force. I take it that the only objection which is urged to any part of this Bill is the Amendment which has been moved, and which raises the question of Sunday golf—a very interesting ethical proposition, which, in my humble judgment, is one which each individual should decide for himself. It is a subject on which I have no intention of embarking to-night, because the Board of Trade happily is neither a censor of games nor of morals, and I think this is a matter which should be pre-eminently left to the judgment, wisdom, and good sense of the House as a whole, without any reference to party Whips or matters of pressure of that kind. But I would like to add this: I think the view, and the obvious view—at any rate, one which commends itself to my mind—is that if the public of Portrush desire to have golf played on Sunday golf will be played, and if they do not so desire it the links will remain closed. I am supported in this view by the absolute assurance of the promoters of this Bill that they have not the slightest intention of taking any step which would not meet with the general approval of the district of Port-rush; and I would also like to add this grave warning, if the House cares so to take it, that the promoters of this Bill view with the gravest apprehension the very novel principle, which might be taken to form a precedent for future Bills, that in dealing with the thousands of local authorities which the Midland Railway Company has to deal with the power which has been given by Parliament should not be fully exercised without the consent of local authorities. Those Members who are supporting the Amendment, and therefore are opposing the Bill, have had an opportunity of impressing the House and the country generally, and the railway company in particular, that there is a great body of opinion in the district which is strongly opposed to golfing on Sunday, and I hope, therefore, that they will not take the extreme course of dividing on this Amendment, but will rest satisfied and trust to the community of feeling between the company and by the inhabitants of Portrush as a whole.

Mr. BRUNSKILL

I have listened to the speech of the Noble Lord on the Front Opposition Bench and the right hon. Gentleman on the Treasury Bench, and it seems to me that this is a very reasonable Amendment. It provides that golf is not to be played on the golf course on Sunday without the consent of the local district council. It has been argued here that this is an unprecedented course, and that powers which are given by Parliament should not be under the control of or dealt with in any way by a local district council. I have no doubt that my hon. Friend who moved this Amendment would be quite ready to alter it so as to leave out altogether any reference to the consent of the local district council and to provide simply that golf should not be played on Sunday. If this were done golf could never be played on that course on Sunday unless the company got a new Bill through this House, and it is entirely in ease of the Midland Railway Company that if local opinion should change in Portrush, and the Portrush people were to elect to the urban district council people who wished to have the town filled with trippers from other towns to play golf on Sunday, the railway company should be able to take advantage of that change in local opinion, and go to the urban district council and get authority to play golf on Sunday instead of having to come to this House to pass a second Bill. I think it is perfectly plain from what the Noble Lord said from the Front Opposition Bench that if the company do not want to annoy local feeling they, might very well accept this Amendment, which will show that they are ready to meet local feeling on this point, and then, if local feeling changes, all they need do is ask the district council to pass a resolution, while as long as the local district council is against them, if they do not want to annoy local feeling, this Amendment cannot do the railway company any harm.

Mr. JOHN O'CONNOR

As one who is always a supporter of local authorities, I desire to say I cannot see any reason why the Government should not accept this Amendment. Apparently the sense of the House is in favour of the Amendment. I am in favour of it myself, though I am sorry that I am not allowed to play on Sundays. I am one of a golf club, every member of which desires to play golf on Sundays. The local authority in the district desires that the golf links should be open on Sundays, yet, at the same time, against the desire of those who are most concerned, and against the desire of the local authority in the district, we are prevented from playing on Sundays because, unfortunately, if I may use the word, our landlords are the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Nevertheless, although I have a personal grievance in that respect, I support the Amendment because I am also a supporter of local authority, and I am quite in agreement with the hon. and

learned Gentleman who has just sat down, in pointing out that it is quite easy under the terms of this Amendment for the people of Portrush in the North of Ireland —and I am from the South of Ireland, where they also have a great respect for the authorities of local bodies—to decide this matter. The only way in which the people of Portrush can express their opinion in regard to golf being played on Sunday is through the Urban District Council. And how can there be any objection on the part of a Liberal Government to accepting the expression of the peoples' will through their locally-elected body? I was very much surprised at the Under-Secretary pro-tem. standing by the terms of this Bill, which evidently are not consonant with the views as expressed in this House by the cheers that have come from the other side in support of expressions of opinion on this side of the House. Therefore, I feel it my duty, first of all as a Member with a grievance, and secondly as a man who desires to maintain the authority of local bodies, to say that the Amendment has my most enthusiastic approval, and if those who propose it press it to a Division, I shall certainly give them my vote.

Question put, "That those words be there inserted."

The House divided: Ayes, 94; Noes, 59.

Division No. 73.] AYES. [9. 10 p.m.
Acland-Hood, Rt. Hon. Sir Alex. F. Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil) Poilock, Ernest Murray
Adam, Major William A. Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West) Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)
Anderson, Andrew Macbeth Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.) Pringle, William M. R.
Baker, Harold T. (Accrington) Haslam, James (Derbyshire) Proby, Col. Douglas James
Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.) Helme, Norval Watson Robinson, Sidney
Baldwin, Stanley Henderson, Arthur (Durham) Rowntree, Arnold
Barnes, George N. Higham, John Sharp Seddon, James A.
Barnston, Harry Hodge, John Shortt, Edward
Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton) Hooper, Arthur George Snowden, Philip
Bentham, George Jackson Hope, Harry (Bute) Stewart, Sir M'T. (Kirkcudbrightsh.)
Brace, William Horner, Andrew Long Sutton, John E.
Brunskill, Gerald Fitzgibbon Hudson, Walter Taylor, John W. (Durham)
Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Johnson, William Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe)
Chappie, Dr. William Allen Jones, Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) Thomas, Sir A. (Glamorgan, E.)
Clough, William Jones, William (Carnarvonshire) Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North)
dynes, John R. Jowett, Frederick William Thomson, W. Mitchell (Down, North)
Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) Joyce, Michael Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)
Courthope, George Loyd Keating, Matthew Twist, Henry
Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.) Leach, Charles Verrall, George Henry
Craig, Captain James (Down, E.) Levy, Sir Maurice Wardle, George J.
Crossley, Sir William J. Lewis, John Herbert Wheler, Granville C. H.
Davies, David (Montgomery Co.) MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh White, Major C. D. (Lancs. Southpart)
Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) M'Laren, Walter S. B. (Ches., Crewe) White, Sir George (Norfolk)
Esslemont, George Birnie Marks, George Croydon Wilkie, Alexander
Fenwick, Charles Millar, James Duncan Williams, Col. R. (Dorset, W.)
Ferens, Thomas Robinson Mond, Alfred Moritz Williams, Llewelyn (Carmarthen)
Foster, Harry S. (Lowestoft) Morton, Alpheus Cleophas Winfrey, Richard
Gibbins, F. W. Newton, Harry Kottingham Wing, Thomas
Gill, Alfred Henry O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)
Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford Ogden, Fred TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Kerr-Smiley and Mr. Barrie.
Guiland, John William O'Malley, William
Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway) Parker, James (Halifax)
Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry) Pointer, Joseph
NOES.
Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.) Fuller, John Michael F. Roe, Sir Thomas
Balfour, Robert (Lanark) Harris, F. L. (Tower Hamlets, Stepney) Salter, Arthur Claveil
Banbury, Sir Frederick George Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy Sandys, G. J. (Somerset, Wells)
Benn, W. (Tower Hamlets, S. Geo.) Howard, Hon. Geoffrey Scott, A. H. (Ashton-under-Lyne)
Birreil, Rt. Hon. Augustine Hume-Williams, Wm. Ellis Shackleton, David James
Boyton, James Illingworth, Percy H. Simon, John Allsebrook
Burns, Rt. Hon. John Isaacs, Sir Rufus Daniel Smith, H. B. Lees (Northampton)
Buxton, C. R. (Devon, Mid) King, Joseph (Somerset, N.) Soares, Ernest Joseph
Carr-Gomm, H. W. Lloyd, George Ambrose Strauss, Arthur
Cautley, Henry Strother Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas Terrell, George (Wilts, N.W.)
Cave, George Luttrell, Hugh Fownes Terrell, Henry (Gloucester)
Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. M'Callum, John M. Thynne, Lord Alexander
Compton-Rickett, Sir J. Martin, Joseph Trevelyan, Charles Philips
Crosfield, Arthur H. Masterman, C. F. G. White, Sir Luke (York, E. R.)
Denman, Hon. Richard Douglas Muspratt, Max Whitehouse, John Howard
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Alters- Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William Worthington-Evans, L.
Duke, Henry Edward Perkins, Walter Frank Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-
Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) Rea, Walter Russell
Elibank, Master of Roberts, George H. (Norwich) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Viscount Morpeth and Mr. A. Williams,
Fell, Arthur Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)
Forster, Henry William Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)

Words accordingly inserted. Bill to be read the third time.

Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[Master of Elibank.]

Adjourned accordingly at Eighteen minutes after Nine o'clock.