§ On the question, "That this House do now adjourn,"
§ SIR WILLIAM HARCOURT, who was received with Opposition cheers, said: Earlier in the evening I thought it might not be convenient at that time to press Her Majesty's Government to give answers to questions which I am quite sure excite the deepest interest in this House and ill the country. ["Hear, 376 hear!"] The object which I had in addressing a question to the right hon. Gentleman will be must clearly explained by reading the form of that question which I proposed to put to the right hon. Gentleman this afternoon. It is this:—
We have no desire to embarrass the Government in the negotiations which must necessarily arise upon the reply of the Greek Government to the Note of the Powers; and we feel confident that the efforts of Her Majesty's Government will be directed to bringing about an amicable settlement of the questions at issue between the Powers and Greece. At the same time we desire an assurance from Her Majesty's Government that the forces of the British Crown shall not be employed against Greece before an opportunity has been given to Parliament of expressing its judgment thereon.[Cheers.] In that passage is contained practically what I desire to say. We hope and we believe that in the present situation of things there has arisen a position in which an amicable settlement will be arrived at, and which Her Majesty's Government, I am quite sure, will use their best efforts to bring about.["Hear, hear!"] But if those efforts should fail, and if any situation should arise in which it should be contemplated by the Powers to use military and naval force against Greece, what we request and what we desire is that before the forces of the British Crown are employed for that purpose, the policy of the Government and the reasons they have to allege in support of it shall be laid before Parliament, and that Parliament shall have an opportunity of pronouncing upon that policy. ["Hear, hear!"] Reference was made in the earlier part of the evening to the situation which the Government of France occupies with regard to this question. It is known from the information received this morning that the Government of France has given an undertaking that no procedure of this kind shall be taken by the French forces against Greece without giving an opportunity to the French Chamber of pronouncing its judgment upon it. I do not put this question upon a claim of constitutional right. In that respect no doubt 377 the Government of Great Britain stands in a different position from that of the Government of France.[Ministerial cheers] But the appeal I make to the right hon. Gentleman is one not founded upon a claim of right, but upon a claim of policy of the highest description. The Government cannot but be aware of the deep feeling that exists in this nation against the prospect of the forces of the Crown being employed in a hostile manner against Greece. ["Hear, hear!"]It is only fair, it is only just, to the country and to the House of Commons that they should have an opportunity of pronouncing their opinion upon such a procedure. I cannot believe that Her Majesty's Government should desire to avoid bringing before the House of Commons such a question as that. They possess a great majority, which will certainly he disposed to support them in any policy which they may adopt, for reasons which shall appear to them to be adequate. On the other hand, it is not in matters of such supreme importance as this that a Government with a majority should refuse to the House of Commons, and the minority, it may be, the right to have a voice in so critical and so dangerous a question as this. Therefore, Sir, what will be the position of the Government, if they think they have with them the voice of Parliament? Of course it will strengthen them in their course, and they will have no right to complain. On the other hand, we who are a minority have the right to discuss and to pronounce, through it may be with the voice of the minority, on a question which actually involves the issues of peace and of war. Therefore, I think that the demand we are making upon, the Government that before they enter upon this path—and I am not going to discuss the merits of the question to-night at all—his country shall not be plated in a worse position than the nation of France—that the voice of both sides upon such an issue as that, shall be heard; and, therefore, what I have to ask the right hon. Gentle- 378 man is, that before the determination is taken to use the forces of the British Crown against the Greeks and against Crete, that, at all events, in the House of Commons the reasons for such a proceeding may be stated, and that we on our part may be allowed our voice upon such an issue.
§ THE FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURYI desire, in the first place, to thank the right hon. Gentleman for having sent me a copy of the statement which he began by reading to the House on the present occasion, embodying the general tenour of the demand which he was going to make upon me at the rising of the House. And, Sir, let me say that the right hon. Gentleman does us no more than justice when he tells us that he and his colleagues recognise the desire which Her Majesty's Government have of bringing about an amicable settlement. But when the right hon. Gentleman goes further and asks us to give a pledge that no steps shall be taken in the East of Europe of an executive character in connection with the recent Notes delivered to Greece and Turkey without previous consultation with Parliament, I have to say that in our opinion that would not only be extremely inexpedient—[Ministerial cheers]—but it would be absolutely contrary to precedent, which, so far as know, is universal, and which beyond all question is of general weight. The right hon. Gentleman has told us he has read in the newspapers that a pledge very muck like that which he has asked from us has been given by the French Government to the French Assembly. I am not sure whether the right hon. Gentleman has rightly interpreted the exact character of the pledge given by the French Ministry, but in any case, whether he be right or whether he be wrong, we must be, and we ought to be, guided by our own constitutional practice. ["Hear, hear!"} Nor do I think it is our business to go to foreign countries to learn the practice which ought to regulate the conduct of a free people.[Cheers.] Nor do I 379 at all wish to deal with the question of precedent; but the only two precedents at all analogous to anything, which even the most pessimistic imagination can suppose as likely to occur in Eastern waters are the precedents of the bombardment of Alexandria and the blockade of Greece. The bombardment of Alexandria took place, I think, in 1882, and the blockade of Greece took place in 1886. In both cases I think the right hon. Gentleman was a Member of the Government—[cheers]—and in both cases I have no doubt the Government of which he was a Member acted with perfect propriety; but I cannot believe that anything stronger—I hope that nothing nearly as strong—is likely to occur at the present crisis—["hear, hear!"]—and certainly profound would be the disappointment of Her Majesty's Government if events of this character were to take place. But in neither of the cases I have mentioned was any notice given to Parliament before the event took place, nor, as far as I am aware, was any Debate permitted by the Executive of the day either on the one subject or the other until after the event had taken place. ["Hear, hear!"] But I do not wish really to dwell upon the question of particular precedents; I wish simply to confine myself to the statement why Her Majesty's Government are most anxiously desirous of an amicable settlement. They cannot so far violate the ordinary traditions which have governed the Executive in this country for unnumbered generations as to pledge themselves in a matter of this kind to take no steps whatever in Eastern waters in connection with this crisis, which may lead to action by force, without previously consulting this House. Everything the Government does is done with a consciousness that they are responsible to Parliament mid the country. ["Hear, hear!"] If Parliament and the country disapprove of what they have done the remedy is in their own hands; and if it be a punishment to be turned 380 out of office—["hear, hear!" and a laugh]—that punishment will undoubtedly fall on our heads if in this or in any other great national issue we run counter to the national will.[Cheers.] But beyond that it is impossible for us to go. Pledges inconsistent with that it is impossible for us to give. ["Hear, hear!"] We are acting under the firm belief that the policy we are pursuing is a policy of liberty in Crete and peace in Europe.[Cheers.] And neither liberty in Crete nor peace in Europe are we prepared to imperil by entering into a pledge which may hamper our freedom of action, it may be, at a critical moment. [Loud cheers.]
§ SIR C. DILKEThere were two pledges given, as I understand, in the French Parliament, and also in the Italian Parliament; certainly in the French Parliament. The second pledge was by the French Prime Minister yesterday, that either to-morrow or on Thursday he would state to the Assembly what steps were agreed upon by the Powers with a view to future action, so that they might have an opportunity of discussion. I wish to ask whether the right hon. Gentleman believes that either to-morrow or on Thursday he will be able to make a similar statement as to the intention of the Powers to that which has certainly been promised in France.
§ THE FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURYI frankly admit there ought to be communication between the Great Powers upon the subject of the answer of Greece to the message of the Powers, but I cannot believe that the negotiations will be terminated either by Wednesday or Thursday.