HC Deb 21 July 1896 vol 43 cc277-92
MR. HERBERT ROBERTS (Denbighshire, W.)

I beg to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House—["oh, oh!"]—for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance—namely, "The treatment by the Indian Government of the Maharajah of Jhallawar and the unsatisfactory character of the inquiry into his case."


I rise to ask a question on a point of Order. The question to which the hon. Member wishes to call the attention of the House is a year old, and the decision of the Government is three months old. Can this be called a definite matter of urgent public importance—[cheers]—and can any Motion be based on it?


I have inquired into the facts, and I do not think that the hon. Member has quite accurately stated the dates; but, however that may be, I cannot take upon myself the responsibility of saying that this is not a matter of urgent public importance.

The pleasure of the House not having been signified, Mr. SPEAKER called on those Members who supported the Motion to rise in their places. There being some doubt as to whether not fewer than 40 Members supported the Motion,

* Mr. SPEAKER said

I must ask hon. Members to stand while being counted.

In the process of counting Mr. W. REDMOND called out "Obstructing the Land Bill," followed by cries of "Order!"


The hon. Member is supported by more than 40 Members. [Opposition cheers.]


, who spoke amid Nationalist cries of "Divide!" and "Order!" moved "That this House do now adjourn." He said that the case was an important one, because the issue involved the principle upon which the whole constitutional question of the position of the Indian native Princes rested. He contended that when such a dispute as this occurred a native Prince ought to have some opportunity of stating his case and making a defence before an impartial tribunal. The case divided itself into four periods. The first period began in 1884 and ended in 1887. This native Prince attained his majority in 1884, and was instituted as ruler in that year. A condition affecting the Maharajah's rule was that until he gained more experience he was to consult the Political Agent on all important matters; and the second condition was that he was not to alter or reverse any measures that passed during his minority without the concurrence of the Political Agent. The whole point therefore was whether the Maharajah had knowingly violated any of the conditions of his rule. Some friction arose during this period, and the then Political Agent brought two or three charges against him in 1887. One was that the Prince had put the Political Agent at his left hand instead of at his right hand at the durbar. The Prince replied that he had followed well-established precedent. In September 1887, he was deprived of his ruling powers. The next period began in 1887 and ended in 1892. In 1890 the Maharajah wrote to the Viceroy of India that he had not knowingly broken any of the conditions, and stated that the whole matter turned on the reading to be attached to the phrase "important matters." In 1892 Colonel Trevor recommended that the Prince be reinstated subject to three conditions—(1) control of the revenue in Agent's hands; (2) consultation on important matters with the Political Agent; (3) that measures authorised by previous Councils under Agent's administration be not altered. In 1892 the Maharajah was reinstated, and all went well for two years. In 1894 the Prince was reinstated with full powers, and there was no condition whatsoever——


Yes, there was.


With one exception—as I was going to say, if the noble Lord will allow me. In September 1894, Colonel Trevor wrote to Calcutta, recommending that the Prince should have full powers, subject to one condition— that he will not nominate any new members of his Council without assent of the Agent to Governor General of Rajputana. Major Irwin, then Political Agent at Jhallawar, pointed out that this was a condition which it would be impossible for the Prince to accept. Letter contained phrase— I don't suppose he will govern his State any worse than some chiefs with full powers. A letter from the Government of India to Secretary of State, dated Simla, the 11th September 1894, stated:— With reference to Lord Kimberley's Dispatch, dated the 2nd March 1893, we have the honour to report, for the information of Her Majesty's Government, that, acting on the recommendation of the Governor General's Agent in Rajputana, we have ordered the restoration of full administrative powers to His Highness Maharaj Rana Zalim Singh of Jhallawar. Prince restored with full powers, subject— to keeping the Political Agent freely and fully informed as to all matters with which he ought to be acquainted. Lord Elgin wrote:— I rely upon your Highness to keep the Political Agent freely and fully informed of all the matters with which he ought to be acquainted, and it is necessary that I should add a caution that, if, unhappily, the Government of India should hereafter be unable to approve of your Highness's conduct of the administration, the present decision will be liable to reconsideration. The hon. Member contended that a careful perusal of Blue-book forces to conclusion that, as the presence and conduct of Major Wylie, as Political Agent, had led to the deprivation of the Prince's powers in 1887, so the arrival of Captain Evans Gordon led to his deposition in February 1896. The whole point which he desired to raise was that the House of Common should see that, when charges of this kind were raised against a native prince, he ought to have the right, like other mortals, to be heard before an impartial tribunal. [Cheers.] Anyone acquainted with the Oriental idea, or with India, must know how important this consideration was. The Prince, like many other princes, had the misfortune of being surrounded by unscrupulous advisers who made him their tool. In dealing with the last stage—namely, the period from 1894 to 1896—he should put the matter briefly. Captain Evans Gordon arrived as Political Agent in 1895. The correspondence between him and the Prince divided itself, naturally, into what was trifling and what was important. As to the former, he might quote a few sentences. Captain Gordon writes:— It has been reported to me that Bhawani Lal has been appointed munsarim of the stables in place of Khwajukhan. I must remind your Highness that this man was turned out of the State in 1891 by the Political Agent and Council, with the approval of the Agent to the Governor General, and that Col. Trevor only allowed him to return temporarily to Jhalawar in 1892. Under these circumstances to give Bhawani Lal an appointment without consulting me constitutes a breach of the conditions laid down in His Excellency the Viceroy's kharita, under which full powers were restored to your Highness. The Prince replied:— With reference to your letter of the 26th ultimo about Bhawani Lal's appointment, I have the pleasure to say that, when I had engaged him as kamdar to Moharaniji Rathorje, I believe I verbally mentioned the fact to Mr. Irwin, and as no objection was raised against the appointment, I thought in giving Bhawani Lal the stables post (in addition to his own) there would he no objection. Had I known that it there existed anything against his present appointment I would not have appointed him on the stables without your consultation. But, since the man has already been dismissed from his posts and the State, I hope you will kindly think the matter fit to be dropped now. Then they read:— Captain Evans Gordon wrote to me yesterday and asked me to write to you about sweetmeats that have been collected at the place. These sweetmeats should be used as soon as possible, as they won't keep, and will very likely give rise to bowel complaints. If you have no objection I will go and see them if you appoint some one to show them to me, and advise as to their disposal. The Prince replied:— Your letter of the 12th, No. 321, about sweetmeats that are said to have been collected at the palace In reply, I have the pleasure to say that no sweetmeats are allowed to go on accumulating. What are prepared within the two previous days are consumed on the third day, as a rule. I may say that no sweetmeats are remaining now, all having been used up already in the above-mentioned order. He would come next to the more serious charges, and one of those was the charge of the withdrawal of four and a-half lakhs from the Treasury. By the arrangement of 1894 the Prince retained full control of the revenue. In December 1895 the Indian Government sent a very reliable official to investigate and report. This was Colonel Crosthwaite, who was met by Captain Gordon outside the camp, and there obtained a report as to the Prince's conduct. The Prince complained of this to Calcutta, that he had been subjected to insult and high-handed treatment by Captain Gordon. These were the main charges. Captain Gordon wrote:— Enclosed statements were voluntarily made to me. Three of the men gave me the informa- on 4th January. The evidence proves that orders were issued to the troops to assemble, that hall ammunition was distributed, and that the rides were loaded. The place of assembly was the Fatch Pultan lines, near the grass stacks and close to the Agency and Agent to the Governor General's Camp. The movement of the troops and preparations were well-known in the town, and the matter was at once reported to me from half-a-dozen different quarters. We know that His Highness feared arrest, and it is my opinion that any supposed attempt upon him would have been resisted. It was merely a chance that some violence did not take place, for had we, who were in the tent, unwittingly done anything to harm him, His Highness would have given the signal and trouble would most likely have ensued. The Chief came to the interview with a revolver, and he was constantly looking out through the chikhs to see whether his men were there. Ahmed Shah Khan, Akram Khan's son, was seen behind the Agent to the Governor General's Camp, with some Vilayatis while the interview-was going on, by my own office people. If it is thought necessary more evidence can be obtained, but the officers and men are very much afraid of being left to the mercy of the Chief, and it is remarkable that any of them should dare to come forward. It is believed that all their names are in the possession of His Highness, and that be intends taking some measures to make them deny what they have said. Then Colonel Crosthwaite wrote:— On the 31st I had a letter sent to His Highness asking him to come and see me. He at first declined to see me unless I paid him a ceremonial visit. He then said he would come if I assured him that at the interview he would not be arrested and deported to Benares. I replied that he would at the conclusion of the visit be allowed to leave in the usual manner, and that, if his Excellency the Viceroy were to order his arrest, the arrest would be made publicly and not by inviting him to visit me in my tent. I also told him that I had been directed to warn him of the serious nature of the ease against him, and to invite from him an expression of what he bad to say in explanation or extenuation. After receiving this letter His Highness came and saw me. He had a revolver in his belt. The Political Agent and Captain Impey, the First Assistant, were present at the interview. His Highness's attitude was unfriendly and uncompromising, and he appeared to be very angry. He refused to shake hands with Captain Evans Gordon. He steadily maintained that he was right in what he had done. The Viceroy had given him full powers and he had a full right to exercise those powers without interference. He had not, in his opinion, done anything contrary to the injunctions contained in his Excellency's kharita. With regard to his dealings with the Political Agent, he said that he was not to blame, he had been very good friends until Captain Gordon had shaken his fist in his (His Highness's) face, and told him to accept a certain official's resignation. I told His Highness that I considered his action in sending away his Diwan and some other officials just before my visit was wrong; that His Highness was bound, in accordance with the Viceroy's instructions, to furnish all material information, and that sending away the Diwan so that he should not speak to me was a violation of those instructions. His Highness said that he had sent the Diwan off on State business, and had done nothing unusual or contrary to the Viceroy's orders. I must mention that on the 30th December I wrote to the Maharaj Rana, objecting to his sending away the Diwan, to whom I wished to speak on State matters, and requesting His Highness to recall that officer to Patan. To that he replied, 'I do not think I ought knowingly to allow him (the Diwan) to speak against me behind my back with the object of promoting his desires and to increase the present difficulties.' He concluded by requesting me to put in writing any questions I wanted to put to the Diwan, and he (His Highness) would get his written reply. No attention was paid to my request for the recall of the Diwan, and on the 31st of December I wrote to His Highness and told him that I should like to see the Diwan on the 1st of January. His Highness replied that he had sent the Diwan off to a place 60 miles away, and he could not return within the time required. The Maharajah's reply to the charges was as follows:— In regard to the insults, hardships and highhanded treatment to which I have been and am still subjected, although I wanted to send full particulars in a separate kharita, giving full and proper proofs, but I was ill, and while not yet fully restored to health, preparations were made to send troops against me, under the orders of the Political Agent and the Agent to the Governor General without any cause. Cavalry from Agar and troops and sowars from Deoli were sent for without any cause, and I have further heard that more troops have been ordered from Deoli. In accordance with the desire of the Political Agent, the Bakhshi—namely, Paymaster and Commander-in-Chief of the troops, who was an old servant of the State, has been ordered to be dismissed without cause, and Bhawani Singhji, who is the son of a Jagirdar, and my mortal enemy, who declares falsely that he is the heir of the "Gadi," but in reality is not the heir, because if he or his family had been the heir, why should the late Maharajah Prithi Rajji have called me from Kathiawar and made me his heir, has been appointed "Bakhshi" of the army. Prom the date of his appointment, at the suggestion of the Political Agent, he has been fabricating false evidence about the distribution of cartridges, by tempting some of the men in the army, by holding out hopes to them of promotion of rank and increase of salary, and by threatening others with bad treatment and harm. He has got together about 10 to 11 men, who by his inducement, having sold their faith merely for the sake of their own welfare, or from fear of ill-treatment and harm, are giving such a false account of distribution of cartridges as cannot be even reasonably entertained or imagined. He causes it to be written down and then attested at the Agency. Daily men, most of whom have been punished, are called to the Agency, and their statements are written down. No attention is paid to the statements of those men who, fearing God and having regard to their conscience, decline to make false statements about the distribution of cartridges, and object that this had no foundation at all; nor is their statement taken down. I beg to bring to your Excellency's notice the fraudulent and deceitful proceedings of this man, and request that your Excellency out of kindness and a sense of justice will not take into your consideration their fabricated evidence and artful proceedings. I hope that no attention will be paid to their ex parte and false proceedings, otherwise I shall be unjustly subjected to great oppression, and Government after becoming aware of the true circumstances, which I am ready to prove, will have cause for regret. As for myself, I beg to state that I have neither done anything wrong, nor intend to do so, and that I have done nothing but remain silent and carry out orders. The relatives of the Agency establishment have spread a report that the Dewan has been promised by the Political Agent that if he can get a Superintendency established, he (Political Agent) will become Agent there, and will make him Vice President of the Council. On this account the Dewan of the State, the Political Agent and Kunwar Bhawani Singh have induced most of the army and other officials of the State to bring about mismanagement of the affairs of the State. In short they have induced them to act in opposition to me, and have thus subjected me to severe oppression. They have given such exaggerated accounts (of my proceedings that I am in fear of my life. They have so disappointed those men, who do not wish to act against me, that they are ready to leave service and go away. Even the English knowing head clerk, who was in my service, was so much threatened that he resigned his appointment. Now I have nobody who knows English. I have therefore had to write this kharita in Urdu. As, in consideration of my good-will, I consider myself to be under the care and protection of Government, I have therefore given this brief account of my circumstances in the hope of obtaining justice. I trust that mercy will be speedily shown to me, so that my life may he saved, and all the high-handed treatment to which I have been subjected at the instance of the Political Agent under the advice of the Agent to the Governor General, and to which I may be subjected in future, may be put a stop to with the utmost promptitude. There was another important point he had to make, and that was that the Prince had expressed a strong desire to have a Commission of Inquiry into Ms case. On February 12, 1896, he wrote to the Viceroy:— I request that a Commission may be appointed to make inquiries, and the members should be such as have no connection with the Rajputana Presidency. Was not that a reasonable request to make? In reply to that request the Government of India wrote:— The demand for a commission made by the Maharaj Rana overlooks the true issue. The Government of India, as the paramount power, are hound in their dealings with native States to hold the scales equal, and, while they secure the Chief in the exercise of the powers that belong to him, to protect his subjects from misgovernment by their misuse. Where it is necessary for the Government of India to interfere to secure good government, they must act on their responsibility and by the advice of their accredited agents, and can delegate their functions to no other authority or tribunal. He agreed with every word of that reply. The Government of India must "hold the scales equal" between the native rulers and the agents of Great Britain who reside with them.


That reply had reference to the relations between native Chiefs and their subjects, and not to the relations between native Chiefs and the officers of the Indian Government.


said he was dealing with the principle contained in the demand of the Maharajah. It did not overlook the issue, because the scales could not be held equally between the parties to a dispute unless an opportunity of being heard was given to each party. The Government of India must act on their own responsibility, and not delegate their functions to other tribunals. He quite agreed in that, but the Government were not asked to delegate their functions. They were only asked to hear both sides before coming to a decision. This principle was vital to the issue. Colonel Crosthwaite himself seemed to admit that, before the facts could be really understood and judged upon, a formal inquiry must be held. On this point he would direct the noble Lord's attention to a paragraph in a letter of Colonel Crosthwaite, in which the Prince was deposed, in which he said:— Without holding a formal inquiry it is impossible to say whether he speaks the truth.


What is Colonel Crosthwaite's own opinion?


He said, "I do not believe it;" but that did not affect the point. The noble Lord said that the decision arrived at in February last was final, and could not be reopened. He hoped, however, that the result of this discussion would be to cause the noble Lord to reconsider the matter, and to give the Maharajah Rana some further and adequate opportunity of stating his case and defending his action. He did not desire to ask the House of Commons to pass judgment on either party. That was a matter for the Indian Government. But he did claim that, the Imperial Parliament had aright to lay down the principle on which the Indian Government should act, and to say that, when such serious charges were made by a, political agent against a native Prince, the latter should have an opportunity of defending himself before judgment was passed. Great interest was taken in this matter throughout India. The Indian Press without exception was loud in protesting against what had occurred. The English Press, without distinction of party, joined in demanding a fair hearing for the Rajah, and he believed that in pleading his cause he was but advocating a principle which was vital, in his opinion, to the continuance of those relations of goodwill and confidence between Great Britain and the Empire of India on which the welfare of the two countries depended.

* SIR W. WEDDERBURN (Banffshire)

seconded the Motion. He said he wished to refer chiefly to two points, namely, the importance of this matter, and the necessity of giving the Rajah an impartial trial. It had been said by the political officers that these proceedings were being very closely watched all over Rajputana. But he went further, and said that the proceedings were being watched by every ruling Chief throughout India, not only with interest, but with anxiety, and alarm. How could that fail to be the case when they saw one of their number deprived of his throne and exiled from his dominions, not for any maladministration proved in public Inquiry, but upon the secret reports of the Political Agent who was on bad terms with the Prince himself. Our position in India depended very much on the goodwill of the native Chiefs. At the time of the Mutiny they were our sheet-anchor, and those who took an interest in our Imperial fortunes should be especially careful to remove all causes of unrest and alarm among the native Chiefs of India. He did not say there were not cases in which the Government of India ought to interfere—cases in which maladministration and tyranny were proved. In such cases it was not only the right but the duty of the Indian Government to interfere. He agreed entirely with the view that it was to the paramount Power alone that the inhabitants of native States should look for protection against misgovernment and tyranny; but what he contended for was that in this case no tyranny and no oppression had been proved against the Chief in question. He maintained that this was a personal quarrel, and that the charges of maladministration were somewhat of an afterthought. It was the misfortune of our political system in India that in every native State there were two kings, the Rajah on the one hand, who gathered around him the supporters of the "ins;" and the Political Agent, on the other hand, who gathered around him every faction who might be termed the "outs." The only story the Government of India heard was the story told by the Political Agent, whose only source of information was the faction whose very object it was to discredit the Rajah. His proposition was that this Prince had not had an impartial trial, because all the information on which the Government of India had acted was onesided information, obtained from a tainted source. Such being the case, he was entitled to a fair and impartial hearing before the very serious step of deposing him was taken. The correspondence showed that there was no real popular discontent. All the signs of popular discontent were wanting. What were the charges of misgovernment? The only thing he saw charged in the nature of maladministration had reference to the revenue settlement, and the remarkable part of that accusation was, not that the Rajah had taken too much from his subjects, but the statement of the agent absolutely was that he did not take enough. He only wished that the people of British India could make that charge against their Government. Another complaint was that the Rajah cut down expenses. Again, he could only wish that the Government of India would do the same thing, and so get rid of a great deal of objectionable taxation. The reports of the political officer did not lay any great stress on acts of maladministration. The Government of India practically gave away the whole case by saying that the question before them had been not so much specific acts of maladministration by the Rajah himself as his attitude towards the British Government. The whole case had arisen out of a quarrel between the political agency and the Rajah, and what was asked was that there should be an impartial inquiry. He had no special knowledge of this particular Chief but it was in the interests of all the Chiefs, and because he believed there was no more important thing for our rule in India than to cultivate and retain the goodwill and friendship of the native Chiefs that he seconded this Motion.


said that he could not question the right of the hon. Gentleman to make exceptional use of the forms of the House to call attention to this question; but he thought everyone in the House would admit that he had chosen a singularly inopportune time. These Papers had been in the hands of the House for some time past, and the matter might have been raised last week or the week before, next week or the week after, without in the least degree affecting the hon. Member's case. ["Hear, hear!"] The hon. Member had deliberately selected a day specially apportioned to the discussion of an important Bill in which many hon. Gentlemen took a great interest. The question which the House wished to discuss was more or less limited by time, and if a Motion of this kind was made in order to obtain a great slice of the time of the House for one day it was more or less an indirect attempt to kill that Measure. ["Hear, hear!"] He thought he could demolish the whole of the hon. Gentleman's case in half-a-dozen minutes. It was a matter of great surprise to him that two hon. Gentlemen should read the Blue-book with such blind eyes. Every little detail in favour of the Maharajah had been paraded before the House, but the main facts on which his deposition was based had altogether escaped their notice. He was the adopted son of the ruler of a small State created by the Indian Government, and on the death of his adopted father he was sent to a college at Rajputana. During the time he was a minor his State was governed by a Native Council, under the superintendence of the Political Agent. The result of that was that the State greatly improved in prosperity, and the people became habituated to good government and administration. When he arrived at his majority the Indian Government only allowed him to undertake the functions of government on the condition that he did not attempt to upset the principles of government in force during his minority, and that in all cases of material importance he should consult the Political Agent. It was said that there was a personal quarrel between him and the Political Agent, but there had not been a single Government during the last 15 years who had not come into collision with him, or a solitary Political Agent who had not had occasion to report him. The first was Sir Edward Bradford, the present Chief Commissioner of Police, and all who knew him would say that he was a model Political Agent, combining firmness with a courtesy and charm of manner which was seldom to be found. The Maharajah had not been two years discharging the functions of his State before Sir Edward Bradford had to report him as almost hopeless. He did all he could to keep him straight, but the young man disregarded his advice, and the only alternative seemed to be to depose him. The Indian Government declined to adopt that step, but considerably reduced his powers and addressed to him a very severe warning. That was under Lord Dufferin. The succeeding Viceroy, Lord Lansdowne, had attention called to his conduct, and had to address to him a still stronger caution, pointing out that it might be necessary to remove him outside the State. This apparently had some effect upon him, and to a certain extent he became more amenable to advice, and shortly afterwards he was allowed to discharge some of the functions he had previously enjoyed. Later on, as he seemed more disposed to act on advice and to carry on his government on proper lines Colonel Irvine, the then Political Agent, recommended that he might be given the full powers he originally had. The one mistake was clearly the granting of those powers, because the moment he had them he lapsed back into his old habits. Captain Evans Gordon then appeared on the scene, and finding malpractices going on in every branch of the administration, protested against it. The Maharajah then deliberately tried to bribe Captain Evans Gordon, and, the attempt being exposed, refrained from offering any apology to the Political Agent, who found himself boycotted, those who visited him punished, and his repesentations ignored. The state of things made it necessary for the Government of India to order the Governor General's Agent, Mr. Crosthwaite, to intervene. But when Mr. Crosthwaite proceeded to Jhallawar, he was received in a manner which raised the most serious questions as to the state of the Maharajah's mind. The Maharajah made no effort to comply with the Order of the Government of India and—so far from furnishing the explanation asked for—it was found he had sent his two chief officials, who could have given the necessary information, to distant places where they were inaccessible. And this was the action of the chief on whose behalf it was now contended that he had never had an opportunity of making his defence. Nor did the Government of India take action on Mr. Crosthwaite's Report till the Maharajah had submitted to them more than one representation as to his position. Undoubtedly it was necessary most scrupulously to guard the rights and privileges of Indian princes and he himself fully admitted it. ["Hear, hear!"] At the present moment he was glad to say the relations between those princes and the Indian Government were most cordial. Through the assistance and advice of the Political Agents, we had to discharge a most difficult duty. The administration of the native States was steadily improving, but, just as we had a duty towards the native princes, so had the Indian Government a duty towards the people who lived in the native States. We had taken from them the means of revolution, and we were, therefore, bound to prevent misgovernment. In the present instance, the Prince had refused to comply with the conditions on which alone we could accept his authority, and as he had set the Indian Government at defiance his deposition could not be avoided.


rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."


withheld his assent, and declined then to put that Question.

DR. CLARK (Caithness)

said the only charge of maladministration against this Prince was that be had attempted bribery, but it was clear from the Blue-book that that attempt had been made, not by the Maharajah of Jhallawar, but by a Bengali Baboo, who had been dismissed by the Resident and who had offered the new agent 15,000 rupees if he would refrain from further action against him. He protested against the Prince having been deposed without being heard in his own defence. Not a single fact showed, directly or indirectly, that the Maharajah was a party to bribery. He thought there was plenty of territory already under the Crown, and that those native estates should be kept for the development of native statesmanship.

* Mr. H. J. WILSON (York, W.R., Holmfirth)

said he was inclined to agree with the Secretary for India that this young man was a rather difficult person to deal with; and he thought it was hardly wise to invest a youth of 18, straight from college, with such powers. It seemed to him most important that the native princes should understand more clearly than they do the circumstances under which they were liable to be deposed. He had had the honour of being a member of the Royal Commission on Opium. A good deal of evidence was laid before it as to the rights the Government of India claimed to exercise over the native princes. He found——


Order, order! The hon. Gentleman would not be in order in going into the general question of the relation between the Indian Government and the native princes. He must confine himself to the question of the deposition of the Maharajah.

* Mr. H. J. WILSON

said he was merely going to point out that it was stated to the Commission to be only on certain specified grounds of maladministration and otherwise that the native princes were interfered with. Neither in the Papers presented to the House nor in the statement of the noble Lord the Secretary for India was there any evidence of maladministration, cruelty, or injustice against the Maharajah was, to a large extent, a question of jealousy, of good manners or bad manners, and of a personal quarrel between the Political Resident and this young man.

CAPTAIN NORTON (Newington, W.)

rose to continue the Debate, when


claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."


Perhaps the hon. Gentleman was about to withdraw his Motion?


Yes, Sir; in the circumstances, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Motion.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.