SECOND READING. (Hansard, 26 April 1892)

§ (7.50.) DR. HUNTER (Aberdeen, N.)

This is a measure of such great importance that I regret it comes on for Second Reading in a House containing such a small number of Members. I will shortly explain to the House what its provisions are, and what are the grounds upon which it is founded. In the first place, I would point out that this House has far too much work to do in regard to Imperial matters, English matters, and Irish matters, to be able, however willing it may be, to give proper attention to the business of Scotland. We could undoubtedly find the time and the opportunity to manage the business of Scotland for ourselves, without the assistance of English or of Irish Members, in a manner far superior to what can be done in this House. In the second place—and this is the more important point of view—Scotch Members are in a very small minority in this House, and Scotch opinion is habitually overturned and set aside by the English votes. There are 500 English Members in this House, whilst Scotland has only 70, or 72 including the Universities. The result is that almost everything that Scotland wants is refused, and what Scotland does not want is forced upon it by this House. During the last six years a widespread feeling has been produced in Scotland that something should be done to secure the better management of the affairs of that country. I will spare the House to-night a recital of Scotch grievances, and will at once explain that the main provision of this Bill is that the whole legislative work of Scotland should be done in Scotland by the Scotch Members of Parliament; that these Members should meet in the autumn to dispose of the business; and that the Bills that they pass should become law with the sanction of the Crown, and without the interference either of this House or of the House of Lords. The sphere assigned 1451 by the Bill to the Scotch Legislative Body is almost precisely identical with that which was provided for Ireland in the Bill of 1886.

DR. HUNTER

It is proposed that if there is any doubt as to whether the Scotch Legislative Body has transgressed the limits laid down for it the Bill shall be laid before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, and hon. Members should take the advice of that Committee, and not give their consent to the Bill if the Committee decide that it is a violation of the limits laid down. This plan, I think, would be most advantageous, as it avoids the difficulties which exist under the United States Constitution. At the same time, it provides a most competent and able tribunal to determine whether Bills passed by the Scotch Legislative Body are within its powers. Then there is another provision with regard to the relation of Scotland to England in the matter of taxation. It is provided in the Bill that, after the Scotch Legislative Body has been appointed, Scotland should pay towards the maintenance of Imperial establishments in the same proportion as England and Wales, having regard to the relative wealth and number of the population. Now, from our point of view, this is a most important provision, because on an examination of the figures which have been supplied to this House by the Chancellor of the Exchequer with reference to the taxation of Scotland, Ireland, and England, it appears, after a proper account is taken of the sum Scotland actually pays and the sum which she would pay, having regard to the number and wealth of her population, that Scotland would be at least a million and a half richer than she now is. A million and a half is no doubt a very small sum so far as England is concerned, because she is a large and wealthy country; but to a small country like Scotland, 1452 with only 4,000,000 of population, the sum is a large and serious amount. I hope the Government may appoint the Committee which they have promised to inquire into the subject during the present Session, and no doubt that subject can be better discussed by a Committee than by the House itself. There is one reason which to many of us is in itself sufficient for the passing of this Bill. Under the operation of this Bill, if it become law, the Scotch people, without the interference of the English people—and, above all things, without the interference of the other House—would be able to pass such measures for the good government of their country as they might feel just and necessary. And if there is one grievance felt in Scotland more than another it is the tyrannical majority of the English Members who, naturally, vote on Scotch questions according to English ideas. If, however, I take a lesson from them and endeavour to impart a little of the enlightenment and liberality which exists in Scotland, they turn round and denounce me for interfering with English questions. That is a question which I hope they will take to heart. What we complain of is that we are over-ruled and overridden by an English majority which is totally indifferent to either the feelings or interests of the people of Scotland. Then how do the Government propose to meet this universally acknowledged evil? Why, they introduce Private Bill Procedure for Scotland—a measure so ridiculously inadequate and so inconvenient and preposterous in its provisions as a first instalment of Home Rule that it is laughed at from one end of Scotland to the other. I shall not detain the House longer, but move the Second Reading of this Bill.