CLASS V.—FOREIGN AND COLONIAL SERVICES. (Hansard, 19 August 1881)

§ Mr. ARTHUR ARNOLD
said, if the Committee would honour him with their attention he would detain them but a very few minutes, while he made some observations upon the Vote just put from 498 the Chair. This was a demand for the sum of £78,000 to be paid by the tax." payers of Great Britain and Ireland in aid of the revenues of the Island of Cyprus. Cyprus was to have been a place of arms; and if it was not a place of profit, it was, at least, to have involved no pecuniary cost to this country. He believed the Colonial Defence Commission had reported that the Island was practically useless as a place of arms, and it was now actually in a condition of hopeless and irretrievable insolvency. The Estimate of Revenue put forward this year was, perhaps, the most sanguine that had ever been presented, and amounted to £180,000. He was confident that the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies would not like to guarantee that the Revenue of £180,000 would not be deficient by £40,000. But it was also estimated that there would be a deficit of £40,000 at the end of the financial year; and it was, therefore, probable that this country would be saddled next year with a charge of £80,000 for the maintenance of the Island. The Earl of Kimberley, who maintained a hopeless attitude with regard to Cyprus, said that he looked upon the future with misgiving, and that he had no hope that Cyprus could, from its own resources, meet the expenses of government in a manner suitable to an Island governed by the Queen. For his own part, he regarded the whole system of government at Cyprus as a mistake. Sir Garnet Wolseley went out there with instructions to govern the Island on the model farm theory, and the system obtained at the present time. The salary of the Governor amounted to 3 per cent upon the Revenue; if Her Majesty's Civil List were upon the same basis, the Sovereign would receive nearly £3,000,000 instead of £385,000. This charge for the Chief Secretary's Office amounted to 2½ per cent upon the Revenue, and other charges were in like proportion. There was an Estimate of £5,000 for tree-planting, which, like everything else in the Island, was a failure. Nevertheless, Sir Joseph Hooker had said it was always desirable to do something, and in the upshot the experience gained was of value, even if somewhat expensive. That, however, was poor comfort when it was known that he was not sanguine of the success of any other species of trees. Then they were asked to vote more than £30,000 499 for public works in Cyprus; and he had a letter in his possession alluding to this subject, the writer of which, in speaking of the sum fixed upon for this purpose, said that— The money would be spent on works of secondary consideration; His Excellency the Governor and his friends would probably say that they were undertaken in order to facilitate trade and commerce. ….But unless the country were made to produce abundantly, how could there be any extended trade or commerce r The money would be spent in erecting a Custom House, His Excellency's country house, barracks, and things not of immediate necessity. The Blue Book which had been lately laid upon the Table of the House did not contain any programme whatever with regard to the future of Cyprus; but he was confident of two things—first, that, as the matter stood at present, the country would be saddled with the charge of £80,000 to make good the deficiency in the Revenue; and, secondly, that the taxpayers of this country would not in future consent to pay £80,000 a-year for this wretched inheritance. Her Majesty's Government would have therefore, to discover some suitable policy with reference to its future government. He must express his regret that Lord Kimberley had not sketched out any policy whatever with regard to Cyprus. It was not for him to suggest the course which the Government ought to pursue with regard to Cyprus; but there were at least two courses open, one of which was to compound with the Turkish Government, whose revenue from the Island amounted to between £80,000 and £90,000 a-year; and the other, to assimilate the government to that of the Ionian Islands belonging to Greece. It seemed to him that our duty was clear, and he wished, with all his heart, that he could persuade the Committee to reject the Vote altogether. He was quite certain that that would be an advantageous and wise policy; and he regretted very much that last year no division was taken against the proposal of a grant for Cyprus. It was not his fault that a division was not taken; be he promised the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies that if ever an other grant for this purpose was asked for under similar circumstances, and with no indication of policy, he should do his best to oppose it. He therefore moved the rejection of the Vote.

§ MR. DAWSON
said, he thought the money spent in Cyprus would be much better spent in Ireland; and he should follow the hon. Gentleman with delight against the granting of money to be frittered away in such escapades.

§ MR. COURTNEY
declared that the Government were as anxious as anyone to avoid this expense; and, if he found any fault with the hon. Member for Salford, it was to regret that, while declaring that the Government had no policy in respect to Cyprus, he did not indicate any policy himself. The Colonial Office had been endeavouring to complete one of the suggestions made, and were setting their minds to the accomplishment of the other; and it did not require hon. Members to induce the Colonial Office to reduce the burden of Cyprus. But there was one point in respect of this Vote which the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Arnold) had overlooked. This Vote differed from most Votes which were Votes of expenditure estimated for the future; this Vote was for expenses already incurred. The reckoning day would come, and Cyprus would be insolvent unless the Committee granted this Vote. The hon. Member for Salford had not suggested giving up the Island; but he (Mr. Courtney) presumed that if it were given up it would be restored to the Sultan. England had entered into a contract with the Porte to pay a certain sum in respect of Cyprus, without the possibility of resumption; and it was only common political morality to accept the position. He did not think it would be possible to pursue any other policy.

§ MR. P. J. SMYTH
reminded the Committee that this country was under a serious obligation in connection with Cyprus, an obligation to reform, or to compel reform, and to protect. He did not believe it was in the power of any one nation to reform another differing wholly from it in language, habits, race, and religion; but protection in this case meant resistance to Russian aggression. But did the Committee forget what became of our protection during the Russo-Turkish War? At the time when the Russian guns were speaking their loudest the Marquess of Salisbury had advised the country to keep quiet; to go home and consult large maps. Such was our protection in the past, and such it would be in the future. So long as this Anglo-Turkish Convention 501 continued England was virtually out of court in Europe; for, under the cloak of reform, it wounded the independence of Turkey, it outraged the principles of nationality, and took payment in advance for a service which we might never be called upon to render, and which, if called upon to-morrow, we could not render. He recommended the restoration of Cyprus to Turkey with a view to the ultimate transfer of the Island to the Kingdom of Greece. He should support the Motion.

§ MR. T. D. SULLIVAN
expressed the opinion that there would be more political morality in giving up Cyprus, either to Turkey or to Greece, than there was in taking it. Did England think much about political morality when she was seizing booty in all parts of the world, and at various times? Such an argument should not be in the mouth of the Government of England; and there was no sort of use in drawing it out to-night. The acquisition of Cyprus was a bad job, and a disgraceful affair, and the sooner it was undone the better it would be for the credit of the English nation.

§ MR. ARTHUR O'CONNOR
regarded the taking over of Cyprus as only a portion of a very large scheme of injustice and aggression; and, to his mind, justice could never be done until those who were responsible for the injustice and oppression had been punished as they ought to be. He should be glad to see the Prime Minister standing by the principle he expressed when he denounced the insane foreign policy of the late Government, and impeaching the men who were responsible for the iniquities in Afghanistan and elsewhere. This money which was now demanded should be levied on the men who were responsible individually for the mighty wrong they committed in Afghanistan. The instance of taking Cyprus was a good illustration of English rule. Turkey was to get £80,000 a-year for Cyprus; and yet the people were more heavily taxed now than they previously were, and it was impossible to derive from Cyprus the revenue which the Turks used to derive. The condition of the people was no better; and in the Papers recently issued it was admitted that the Turkish system was, in some instances, both cheaper and more effective than the British. The acquisition of Cyprus was 502 no credit to England, and no benefit to the Island.

§ MR. O'DONNELL
said, he thought that as the Government had taken over the responsibility of Cyprus they would be bound to ask the House for a much greater grant in aid yearly than they had yet asked for. The Conservative Government represented England, and, of course, England would be bound by the arrangement; but he was quite satisfied that the amount of money granted was utterly insufficient to enable this country to do its duty by the people of Cyprus. We were only contenting ourselves with this grant by the most cruel exactions at the expense of the Cypriots. He could not but think that the Turks were great fools in handing the Island over to us; and he believed that the acquisition of Cyprus would fail in enabling England to shut out Foreign Powers from Asia Minor.