HC Deb 06 May 1870 vol 201 cc350-7
MR. CHARLEY

rose, according to Notice, to call the attention of the House to the question of illegal lotteries. The first lottery established in England for public purposes was in 1569, and the money thus raised was applied to the repair of certain harbours. Lotteries for various private purposes were authorized subsequently, until the passion for this species of gaming rose to such a height, that, in 1699, a statute was passed, "for suppressing of Lotteries," whereby they were declared public nuisances, and the penalty of £500 was inflicted on the persons who should keep any lottery open; and this was followed by a series of statutes in the reign of Queen Anne, and in the subsequent reigns. State lotteries, however, continued to be authorized by law, and down to 1826 the statute book was crowded with. Acts, authorizing the raising of money "for the service of His Majesty," by this means. In 1808, however, a Committee reported most strongly against the consequences which resulted from the speculation to which they gave rise. They said that numerous families were ruined by this species of gambling and their members reduced to destitution, whereby trade was greatly injured and the poor rates greatly increased; while, at the same time, there was no mode of raising money for the State which was so burdensome, pernicious, and unproductive. The practice, however, still continued. The last statute by which money was authorized to be raised for the public service by way of lottery was the 4 Geo. IV. c. 60, by the 19th section of which it is recited that "whereas it may be expedient to discontinue raising money for the public service by way of lottery after the sale of tickets authorized by this Act;" and subsequent sections provide for the termination of the system on the expiry of three years from the passing of the Act. Virtually by this statute public lotteries were abolished. Whilst, however, State lotteries had thus been sanctioned, the Legislature had endeavoured to suppress all other kinds of lotteries, and from 1699 to 1845 various statutes were passed for their suppression. They were declared illegal, and the prohibition was attempted to be enforced by the infliction of heavy penalties upon the promoters, which, were assigned in varying proportions between the informers and the Crown, or by indictment of the projectors as rogues and vagabonds. By the earlier statutes any person was able to institute proceedings; but by the 42 Geo. III., while any person was still at liberty to proceed by indictment, the consent of the Attorney General was necessary to proceedings whereby any pecuniary penalty was sought to be recovered. By the statute 6 & 7 Will. IV., entitled "An Act to prevent the advertising of Foreign and other illegal Lotteries," it was recited that, whereas the laws in force were insufficient to prevent the advertising of foreign and other illegal lotteries, it was enacted that no person should advertise such lotteries under penalty of £50, which might be sued for by any person, one-half of which were to go to the informer, and the other half to the Crown. This Act gave rise to vexatious proceedings by informers against printers and others, who had unwittingly violated the statute; and a Bill was introduced in 1845 (8 & 9 Vict. c. 74), by which all such actions then pending were summarily stopped, and it was enacted that thereafter all penalties under the former statute should be sued for in the name of the Attorney or Solicitor General in England and Ireland, or of the Lord Advocate in Scotland, and that the whole penalties should go to Her Majesty. That was the present state of the law. When this statute was passing through Parliament, no debate took place upon it in the House of Commons; but in the House of Lords there were brief discussions on the second and third readings, in the course of which Lord Derby, who had charge of the Bill, assured Lord Monteagle that the statute was not intended to remain a dead letter. To a certain extent that undertaking had been carried out. In Scotland he believed there had been no complaint of any infraction of the law; and in England proceedings had been occasionally instituted; and in the present year persons had been indicted and convicted at the Central Criminal Court, and sentenced to fine and imprisonment. Now, under these circumstances, he might be asked, what was the complaint he had to make? From a correspondence entered into by the secretary of the Scottish Reformation Society with the First Lord of the Treasury and the right hon. Gentleman at the head of the Home Office, he found that it was complained that while, on the one hand, an endeavour was made to enforce the law with regard to other kinds of lotteries, no attempt was made to do so in the case of Roman Catholic lotteries. That was the charge which was brought against the Government, and it was one which he thought was worthy the consideration of the House. In the course of the correspondence to which he was referring, mention was made of Irish lotteries, and the Secretary of State for the Home Department, in a letter addressed to the secretary of the Scottish Reformation Society, directed him to apply to the Irish Office with reference to those lotteries. Three letters were accordingly addressed by the secretary of the Scottish Reformation Society to the Chief Secretary for Ireland on the subject; but to those letters no reply-whatever was received—so that the right hon. Gentleman had acted towards the writer in a manner which could hardly be regarded as courteous. He had put Questions both to the Chief Secretary and to the Secretary for the Home Department in relation to these lotteries, and the replies which had been given to those Questions were, in his opinion, highly unsatisfactory. The Chief Secretary for Ireland seemed to think that the Roman Catholic lotteries were not at all illegal; while it appeared to be the opinion of the Secretary of State for the Home Department that, though illegal, they did not deserve to be prosecuted. In his reply the right hon. Gentleman said that these lotteries were like raffles held at bazaars; but there was a very wide difference between raffles at bazaars held for charitable purposes, and lotteries where the tickets were sold publicly, and commissions or allowances paid to those who could dispose of large quantities: but the question was not whether raffles at charitable bazaars were or were not illegal—it was certain that these Roman Catholic lotteries were illegal. Again, those lottery tickets were circulated under false pretences. It was impossible to ascertain from them that the lottery was for the benefit of Roman Catholic institutions. The word "Catholic," at all events, was not to be found on any of the tickets which had come under his notice. Again, these tickets held out a pretence that the lotteries were connected with the system of Art Unions, and it was thus endeavoured to persuade the public that they were perfectly legal under the Act of 1845. Now, it was by no means his intention to attack Art Unions; but he would remind the House that the late Sir Robert Peel expressed his dissatisfaction at Art Unions being legalized, and stated his opinion, since cited with approval by the Committee which investigated the subject in 1866, that, while the promoters of Art Unions supposed they were the promoters of art, they were in reality the promoters of gambling, and that, instead of elevating the public taste they had rather tended to lower it, while they had conferred very little benefit indeed on artists. His present object, however, was merely to show that these Roman Catholic lotteries did not come within the exemption in favour of Art Unions. In the first place, an Art Union could not draw a lottery without the sanction of the Board of Trade, or, as an alternative, it must be incorporated by Royal Charter. Neither of these conditions, he presumed, would be found to exist in the case of these Roman Catholic lotteries. Again, the Act sanctioned no lotteries, unless they were for the distribution of drawings, paintings, and works of art exclusively; but certainly some of the prizes in Roman Catholic lotteries did not come within that category. He held in his hand a ticket connected with a lottery in support of St. Clare's Female Orphanage, Harold's Cross, Dublin, which the Lord Lieutenant had refused to suppress, although his attention had been drawn to it. Among the prizes enumerated were—"a hamper of the best wine," "a chest of black tea, containing 401b.," "a case of the best brandy," and "a barrel of the best sugar." These, certainly, were not works of art. Then, among the prizes in the lottery in support of St. Joseph's Orphanage, Mount-joy Street, Dublin, were—"a highly bred pony," "a hamper of wine," "a hamper containing a turkey," "a loaf of sugar," and "a gallon of Irish whisky." In another case it was announced that among the prizes there would be—"a pretty old cottage, freehold, value £75," "a stone-built cottage," and "a cottage and home forever, with a little garden." These, again, were certainly not works of art. The stone cottage, he might remark, was situate at Brailes, in Warwickshire, and it was added that it would give a vote for the county: the winner of the prize might, therefore, have a voice in the return of the hon. Member for North Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegate). The vicar of Brailes stated that those cottages had been raffled for and put in lotteries more than once. That seemed to be a dishonest practice, and it was very strange that those cottages should always find their way back into the hands of the promoters of lotteries. With regard to the Roman Catholic Poor Schools in Homer Row, Marylebone, the secretary of the Scottish Reformation Society had drawn the attention of the Home Secretary to the illegal character of the lottery that was set on foot for the promotion of those schools, and had received a reply in the following terms Whitehall, Feb. 14. "Sir,—With reference to your letter of the 11th instant, I am directed by Mr. Secretary Bruce to inform you that, in regard to the Homer Row Poor Schools' lottery, the Solicitor to the Treasury has been already instructed to take steps to prevent it. I am, &c, A. F. O. LIDDELL. Notwithstanding this intimation, the lottery continued to be advertised, and the Secretary of State for the Home Department, on being subsequently questioned in the House, said he would consider the matter, but rather thought a prosecution would not be necessary. This lottery had not yet been drawn, but had been postponed from the 7th of April to the 6th of June, and he hoped it would be prevented by the Government. Persons purchased tickets who had no interest whatever in the object for which those lotteries were got up, and it was clear, therefore, that they were actuated by a desire for gain, and the spirit of gambling. The effect of the action taken by the Lord Advocate in Scotland was that the illegal traffic had been stopped in that part of the kingdom, and a Roman Catholic Orphanage near Lanark, which cost upwards of £8,000, and was established chiefly by lotteries, admitted, in its report for 1869, that this hitherto proved resource had been put an end to. He asked the Government, therefore, either to enforce the law in England or to allow others to enforce it. It might be necessary to consolidate and amend the law, for there were no fewer than 12 Acts in force with regard to illegal lotteries; but if the Government thought the present law sufficient let them put it in force. If it were desirable to alter the law, and the Government did not think proper to introduce a Bill for that purpose, humble individual as he was, he would nevertheless be prepared to introduce a measure on the subject. He left the case in the hands of the House, feeling persuaded that it was their desire to secure an impartial administration of the law, and fair play and justices to all classes of Her Majesty's subjects.

MR. BRUCE

said, that, as to the moral character of lotteries in general, he quite concurred with the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Charley); and in every case where it had been shown that the effect of these lotteries was to deteriorate the public morals, the action of the Home Office had manifested the disapproval of the Government, and their efforts in many instances had been attended with success. As far as he understood the complaint of the hon. Gentleman, it was to the effect that the Home Office did not exercise the power which it possessed of instituting proceedings against these illegal lotteries indiscriminately, and without exercising that discretion which he maintained that it could properly exercise as to the objects of prosecution. The hon. Gentleman did not pretend to say that, in the ordinary cases of illegal lotteries, where the object was speculative gain, the action of the Government had not been steadily exercised; what he said was that, in some cases where the object of the lottery was to forward some useful or religious object, the action of the Home Office had not been equally resolute and severe. He (Mr. Bruce) might say that the practice had been, without exception, to communicate with the promoters of the lottery, pointing out to them that, however meritorious the object, the proceeding itself was illegal, and subjected them to prosecution; and, within his experience, he had never known an instance—and he had inquired, with a similar result, as to the experience of those long connected with the Department—in which such interference had failed in attaining the object in view. He was happy to say that it had never been found necessary to institute proceedings against lotteries the objects of which in themselves were good. And he doubted very much whether the more direct interference of the Executive would have been approved by Parliament in cases where the lottery was proposed for some directly charitable and religious object. The hon. Gentleman said, with great exultation, that the action of the Executive in Scotland had been more vigorous, and that under it a Roman Catholic orphanage in Lanarkshire, which had cost upwards of £8,000, and was established and maintained chiefly by these illegal means, had been deprived of its revenues. For his part, he (Mr. Bruce) thought the injury thereby inflicted on Roman Catholic orphans was much greater than any advantage derived from the suppression of lotteries held for their support. Lotteries, as they knew, were got up for very different purposes; in the administration, therefore, of the Acts for their suppression the Government ought to exercise a discrimination. If they were to put the law in force with equal severity against lotteries set on foot for pious and charitable objects, as against those demoralizing schemes of which the object was to make money by gambling, they would simply be making these Acts unpopular, and probably producing a strong reaction. He quite admitted that some of these Roman Catholic lotteries were conducted in a manner that had a tendency to promote a spirit of gambling; and in such cases, where they were brought under the notice of the Government, he thought it would be their duty to enforce the law; but he did not think it was the duty of the Government to take the same steps which they would do if the more immediate object of the lotteries were gambling, instead of the promotion of charitable objects. That was the spirit in which the Executive had acted upon all occasions up to that time; and he could not think that the House would deem the course which they had pursued an improper one. As to Ireland, the Executive there had judged for itself. In Scotland he knew that the Lord Advocate had been called upon to interfere with respect to some of these lotteries, and had brought down upon himself the ill word of the Scottish Reformation Society, because, in certain cases, he refused to deal with them on the ground that having originated in Ireland they must be dealt with by the authorities in that country. For the same reason he (Mr. Bruce) referred the matter to the Chief Secretary for Ireland, as the matter was one in which the Home Office had no power to interfere. That was the mode in which the Government had acted, and he thought the House would see that their course had been governed by a sound discretion.