§ MR. DARBY GRIFFITHsaid, he rose to call attention to the critical state of the existing relations between Prussia, Austria, and Italy. The subject had been referred to in the French Chamber, and a statement had been made there the confirmation of which in that House would answer the object he had in view. He did not desire to express any want of confidence in Lord Clarendon, and congratulated the country on the change which had taken place in the occupancy of that office. Matters seemed to be on the verge of explosion on the Continent of Europe. The forces called out by Austria and Italy were excessive, and the latter country appeared to have been drawn into the struggle in a most unfortunate way. At the time when a dissension was occurring between Austria and Prussia an Italian General had been sent to Prussia for the purpose of forming an offensive and defensive alliance; between the two countries. The feeling of this country would, he thought, be against a junction of Italy with Prussia for effecting the conquest or slavery of Schleswig-Holstein, and he trusted that no actual alliance had taken place, because nothing could be more detrimental to Italian liberty. There was every preparation for war between Austria and Italy. One of the railway bridges had been destroyed by the military 474 authorities, and it was well known that specie payments had just been suspended in Italy, and that the National Bank had supplied the Government with a loan of 250,000,000 lire, or about £10,000,000 English. These warlike preparations, and this excessive expenditure were naturally subjects of great anxiety. The statement made by M. Rouher in the French Chamber appeared to be highly satisfactory and judicious, inasmuch as it was calculated to discourage either Austria or Italy from commencing warlike operations. An honest neutrality and complete liberty of action constituted, according to the French Minister, the maxim by which the French Government would be guided. He should be happy to learn that the French and English Governments acted in concert together, and had a good understanding on this subject, as well as in respect to the Danubian Principalities, where it would be to the advantage of Europe that the policy of France should be supported. He thought the time had come when we should look with less distrust to the policy of France than we had done on former occasions, and that the two countries ought to go more hand in hand together.
§ [Notice taken that forty Members were not present; House counted, and forty Members being present,]
§ MR. WHITEthought this a subject of very great importance, and he hoped some satisfactory assurance would be given that the Government had used all proper means, in concert with our ally the Emperor of the French, to avert the calamity of war. At the same time, he could not help saying that the very critical state of Europe was entirely owing to the conduct of the late Government. He stood alone when, in the discussion which took place on the address in reply to the Lords Commissioners, at the opening of the Session of 1864, he said that the noble Lord who then had the conduct of Foreign Affairs had adopted a course which he held to be highly detrimental to the interests of the country in rejecting the proposition made by the Emperor of the French for a European Congress to settle the various questions then under dispute. He then strongly urged that the Schleswig-Holstein question and the occupation of Venetia by Austria had in them the seeds of inevitable war. The events of a few months later showed he was right with regard to Schleswig-Holstein, and he was afraid what he had 475 said would also prove true in regard to Venetia. The armed state of Europe and the attitude of mutual menace which now existed, together with the enormous war expenditure, would, in all probability, be followed by hostilities. The propositions made by the Emperor of the French had been received by the British Government in a spirit which at the time he very much regretted. They all recollected that the noble Lord, whose epistolary correspondence was not remarkable for its amenities, had made a reply to the Emperor not of the most conciliatory character. He was not himself an admirer of the Emperor; but this at least could be said for him, that he had been our best friend among Continental Sovereigns. He therefore trusted they would have some assurance from the Government that the just umbrage of the Emperor of the French at the way in which he had been treated had been removed, and that he would join with us in all proper measures to avert the outbreak of hostilities.