OBSERVATIONS. (Hansard, 23 March 1865)

§ MR. HENNESSY

rose to call the attention of the Home Secretary to a case which had just occurred of very unusual importance. He thought the present combination in the iron districts demanded the attention of the Government as well as of the House. He would preface the observations he had to make by quoting a short passage from Adam Smith, who, speaking of strikes, said— Masters are always and everywhere in a sort of tacit but constant and uniform combination not to raise the wages of labour above their actual rate. Masters, too, sometimes enter into particular combinations to keep the wages of labour even below this rate. Such combinations, however, are frequently resisted by a contrary defensive combination of the workmen. That general sentence exactly covered the present case. The first step was, the masters combined to sink the rate of wages; and, as a defensive measure, the workmen in a certain district—namely, North Staffordshire, combined against the masters. He offered no opinion as to the conduct of 91 either masters or men in Staffordshire, but I that was the first step in this lock-out. When the masters and workmen were thus opposed to each other, the manufactories were closed, and both parties suffered. One consequence to both was that the masters, as was well known, received from the masters in other districts such accommodation as they required at the hanks; while the men, on the other hand, received aid from the working men in other districts. So far this occurrence was a usual one. Thus the ordinary conflict of labour and capital was kept going on. But the masters in South Staffordshire and other districts had taken this unusual course—they determined to have a lock-out to enforce on the working men in their employment some compulsory rules and regulations with the view of compelling these workmen to use their utmost exertions to induce those in North Staffordshire to return to their work. That step was perfectly unusual; and what had happened? In the towns of Staffordshire and other large districts where the lock-out had taken place he had just heard from a good authority in that House that there were not fewer than 150,000 persons, including the families of the labourers, who were now suffering from this lock-out. What had the workmen done? Meetings had been held. At Middlesborough this resolution was proposed by Mr. M'Carthy— That we get up a requisition and present it to the Mayor, requesting him to convene a public meeting at his earliest convenience to take into consideration the best means of supporting the 5,609 men who are locked out at present; and that this association pledges itself to refuse any aid to any person or persons who, by any riotous conduct, shall place person or property in danger, or otherwise commit a breach of the peace; and the like person or persons shall be liable to forfeit any benefit from the association hereafter. That resolution showed what the conduct of the men had been, and that conduct they had pursued up to the present time. A meeting was held last night in the metropolis on this subject by the Trades' Unions, and a good deal of light had been thrown upon the dispute by the statements made there by persons in the confidence of the men. He would ask the attention of the House to what was said by the chairman of that meeting, Mr. Potter, who told them in a few words what was precisely the present position of this conflict. He said— Now, the Brierley Hill Executive had some weeks ago declared their opinion that the North 92 Staffordshire men should resume work, and, if they refused to do so, the executive would cease to subscribe towards their support. The North Staffordshire men did refuse, and the Brierley Hill Executive abided by their decision. The Gates-head Executive had also assured the masters that they would not support the North Staffordshire men, and the Millmen's Association, who had never sanctioned the strike, would not now, of course, support them. We thus find that those who represented the working men had, in the form of resolutions and recommendations at public meetings, counselled them over and over again for some weeks past to return to their work; but, notwithstanding that, the lock-out had been continued in the districts of South Staffordshire by the masters, for the purpose not only of punishing the workmen who were not willing to work at the rates of wages proposed, but to punish workmen in other parts of England. The lock-out was most unfortunate, and he would venture to say that it was also illegal. He believed that the conduct of the masters was not only morally unjust and improper, but was also a violation of the law of the land. The masters were fairly entitled, as Adam Smith had said, to combine to reduce the rate of wages if they wished, and the workmen were equally entitled to combine for the purpose of obtaining a higher rate of wages; but the law said that in no case could either masters or workmen combine for the purpose of injuring masters and workmen elsewhere. Now, the South Staffordshire masters had combined and locked out their workmen, not because these workmen were doing anything which could be objected to, but for the purpose of inflicting an injury upon the workmen in another part of England. He trusted Her Majesty's Government would be able to give the House some assurance that, looking to the moderate tone which the workmen had taken and which they still maintained, there was some likelihood of that arbitration being accepted which the workmen had asked for frequently, but which the masters had refused, and which every Gentleman in that House would like to see adopted.

§ SIR GEORGE GREY

I was not at all aware that the hon. and learned Gentleman intended to raise this Question in the House to-night, having only given notice on a former evening of a Question which he would then have answered had it been put. He regretted that the hon. and 93 learned Gentleman had now entered into a statement of facts connected with the unfortunate differences which existed between the masters and the men, and he hoped the House would not assume they were undisputed and not open to any answer. In any discussion which might take place he would remind the House that it was necessary that every word should be carefully weighed in order not to widen the present unhappy differences which existed between the employers and the workmen, and prevent that agreement between them which every one must wish to see re-established as speedily as possible. The hon. and learned Gentleman gave notice the other night of a Question, the object of which was to ascertain whether the Government had received any official information upon the subject of the lock-out, and whether it was prepared to take any steps with reference to the distress among a large class of persons occasioned by that proceeding. The only official information the Government have received with reference to this subject is contained in two letters from the Chief Constable of Staffordshire. Without expressing any opinion upon the conduct of any party, he said in the first letter that there was at the time it was written about 60,000 men out of employment in North and South Staffordshire, and that their conduct had been orderly and peaceable. The second letter stated that things remained in the same state, and that the writer (the Chief Constable) was in constant communication with the Lord Lieutenant of the county on the subject. It is of the utmost importance, as I have already said, that every word spoken upon this matter should be carefully weighed, in order to avoid anything which could tend to widen the breach between the masters and their workmen in this branch of industry. Judging from what I read upon this subject in the newspapers, I think there is a hope of the parties agreeing upon some terms in a short time which will put an end to the strike and the lock out, and I trust that nothing will be said here which will have the effect of delaying that desirable result. I can only say, on the part of the Government, that we deeply regret the existence of these differences, which, whatever may be their origin, cause great distress not only to the parties primarily concerned, but also to a very large number of persons who are not in the slightest degree responsible for what has occured, but who 94 are directly or indirectly dependent for their livelihood on the works which are now stopped. Her Majesty's Government have no power to interfere, except by way of advice, unless a breach of the law should take place. No breach of the law has, I am happy to say, taken place. If there was the slightest prospect that the advice of the Government would bring the matter to a satisfactory and early termination, they would readily offer it; but there is no reason to believe that any interference on their part would be acceptable to either party or have any beneficial effect. I think, however, that I see in the newspapers indications of a wish on the part of the masters and men to submit these diffierences to arbitration. And if the parties will select some competent and impartial persons, and are willing, to submit these matters to their arbitration I sincerely hope the dispute may be brought to a speedy conclusion. I hope that neither the discussion which may follow, nor anything that has been already said—I am sure there has been no such intention—will in any degree affect such a termination of the dispute. Prom all the information I have upon the subject I have reason to believe that the conduct of the men out of employment has hitherto been marked by a total absence of any acts of violence.