§ SIR HARRY VERNEYsaid, he rose, with reference to the Despatch of Earl Russell to Her Majesty's Embassies at Berlin and Vienna of the 8th instant, concerning the recognition of the Provisional flag of the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether the following construction of that Despatch is 926 correct:—First, that in recognizing the said Flag, Her Majesty's Government intend to grant to the ships bearing it the rights which belonged to the ships of the Duchies before their separation from Denmark, but only provisionally, and until the definite constitution of the Duchies is settled; secondly, that in saving the rights of the States of Holstein and Schleswig and of the German Confederation, Her Majesty's Government recognizes the rights of the said States to express their will as to their Constitution and as to the question of Succession, and that though the German Confederation has a right to decide for Holstein, the territory of Schleswig is beyond its control, and therefore the final settlement of both Duchies must receive the sanction of the great European Powers. He was induced to address to the hon. Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs the Question of which he had given notice by his anxiety that there should be no doubt or misapprehension as to the course adopted by the Government, and the terms on which this country stood with the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein and the German Powers. It was important for the peace of Europe, and therefore for the welfare of this country, that Germany should be powerful; but she could be so only by the unanimity of her inhabitants, and the possibility of such unanimity was destroyed by the conduct of the Minister of Prussia. He was seeking to bribe his countrymen by obtaining for them that to which they had no claim—the annexation of Schleswig and Holstein, or a paramount influence in those countries. That Prussia, as well as Austria, was aware of the groundlessness of the claim was proved by their joint declaration at the London Conference of 28th May, 1864, whereby they demanded the—
Complete separation of Schleswig and Holstein from Denmark, and their re-union in one State-under the sovereignty of the Hereditary Prince of Augustenburg, who not only could show his right to the satisfaction of all Germany, and whose recognition by the Diet was therefore certain, but who united the suffrages of the immense majority of the inhabitants of those countries.Prussia knew that Austria would never listen for a moment to any such proposal were it not for her own fears in Italy, and the possibility that she might require the aid of Prussia for the preservation of her non-German provinces. Prussia had acknowledged the rights of Denmark with a view to induce her to cede them to herself. But Prussia had said in the declaration he had just quoted that Den- 927 mark had no rights to cede, as after the death of the late King the Duke of Augustenburg became the Sovereign of the Duchies. Prussia and Austria, the actual copartners in the government of the Duchies, did not grant that which France and England had repeatedly urged—namely, that the voice of the inhabitants should be heard. The Parliaments of Schleswig and Holstein were freely elected; in the days of the Danish sovereignty they were annually assembled; but since the commencement of the present difficulties they had never been summoned. They ought to be called together, and the question of the succession submitted to them. Prussia sought to settle it without them, to gain over some great landowners to her side, and to accept their sentiments as the voice of the nation. In this they deceived themselves and sought to deceive others. Thus, Count Charles Plessen's declaration, aiming indirectly at annexation with Prussia, at the end of six weeks received less than 200 signatures. A counter-declaration in ten days received 46,000. The "immense majority," according to the Austrian and Prussian Note of May, 1864, were for their own legitimate Sovereign. They desired him as their independent ruler. Prussia was not content with keeping the Duchies in diplomatic, commercial, and military affairs dependent on the Cabinet of Berlin; she sought to absorb them altogether. It was notorious that the Duke of Augustenburg was willing to consent to any terms to which Austria, Prussia, and the Confederation, all three, would consent; but this did not satisfy Prussia. She wished conditions with herself alone, and for her sole advantage. The means resorted to by the Prussian Government to carry their object were such as would excite astonishment here, accustomed as we were to the frank, straightforward and truthful proceedings of our Ministers, of whatever political party. Handbills and papers signed "an inhabitant," but coming from Berlin, were circulated by thousands in the Duchies; they contained the most palpable and absurd falsehoods, exaggerations, misrepresentations and aspersions on the character and intentions of the Duke of Augustenburg; and they appealed to the lowest prejudices, hopes, and fears of the inhabitants. He held one in his hand, in which the Schleswig-Holsteiners were told that if they had an independent Government under the sovereignty of the Duke they would have to pay the whole expenses of the 928 war, which would be exacted to the last farthing; whereas, united with Prussia those expenses would be borne by the whole kingdom, and the inhabitants of the Duchies would hardly feel them. Under a separate Government the taxe3 would amount to 87 dollars per head; but, united with Prussia, to not more than 14 dollars. In the Kreutz Zeitung and the Nord Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, the semiofficial journals circulated in Berlin, the Duke of Augustenburg was represented as a low democrat, while in the papers circulated in the Duchies and worked by the Prussians themselves he was described as a bloodthirsty aristocrat who intended to re-establish serfdom, and the like. It was, however, remarkable, and indeed somewhat amusing, that all this, instead of acting in the sense desired, had an exactly contrary effect, the Schleswig-Holsteiner being particularly inaccessible to this sort of underhand work, which only rendered him suspicious and more obstinate in the maintenance of his own opinions. Pour months ago Prussia might have done almost anything she liked with the Duchies, short of getting them to break their solemn word plighted to the Duke. Now she was fast advancing to occupy the position vacated by Denmark. The whole and sole cause of this was the unjust, faithless, and unscrupulous conduct of the Minister of Prussia. This policy of Prussia failed in its object; it produced a feeling of shame among the most honourable and enlightened people at Berlin and throughout the entire kingdom, and excited the jealousy and hostility of the rest of Germany. He contended that we in England suffered from it. We wanted Germany to be a Power of the first importance in Europe—perhaps we even wanted her to be the most powerful country in Europe—as a conservative and peace-preserving nation in the midst of the continent. Further, we knew that a confederation of States was not the moat efficient machinery for government in times of difficulty. We wished to see Germany guided and led by some wise and powerful Government. We should wish to see her under that of Prussia, if Prussia were under the rule of a Ministry temperate, honest, and constitutional. The most effective guarantee of European equilibrium was to be found in a strong Germany and an united Italy. Nothing would gratify us more than to see Prussia strengthened by organic union with such portions of Northern Germany as might enter 929 such a union voluntarily, and even in case of attack from Russia or France, disposing of the military and naval forces of those portions of the Fatherland. We should rejoice to see a North German navy. Such a force would furnish an additional guarantee for peace on the ocean, and peace on sea and land and orderly government everywhere were the objects most to be desired by a commercial country like our own. In the ambitious aggressions of Prussia we saw danger for the tranquillity of Europe. We know that Prussia had Rhine provinces not very attached to her, and we do not wish that she should afford to the French Emperor an excuse to seize them by way of compensation. But it was only too apparent that voluntary and mutually defensive union with the Duchies was not the object sought by Prussia. He should not say Prussia, but M. Bismark, the present Minister of Prussia. His aim was to add the Duchies to the Kingdom as a means of gaining popularity for himself, reconciling the Prussians to his rule, and diverting their attention from home politics and constitutional privileges. He believed, and confidently anticipated, that the attempt would fail. His anticipations rested on his confidence in the love of justice and truth of the whole German nation, especially of the people of Prussia. He did not believe that they, or their free representatives, would be seduced by the acts of the Minister; that they would surrender the constitutional rights and liberties of their country for the sake of obtaining Kiel as a Prussian harbour, or the Eider Canal as a Prussian water way. They would insist on justice being done to the long injured, but steadfast and determined, inhabitants of the Duchies, and this alone could restore to Germany the unanimity which would render her really powerful against any threat from without, and retain for her her just influence and true character—that of a mighty conservative Power in the midst of Europe, with populations well governed, prosperous, and contented, able to curb the ambition of France on the one side and the aggressions of Russia on the other, and gradually, but surely, advancing in material welfare and in all that appertains to true freedom and the blessings of constitutional orderly government.
§ SIR FRANCIS GOLDSMIDsaid, that the hon. Baronet (Sir Harry Verney) had addressed himself to the task of proving that 930 Prussia was deceiving, or attempting to deceive, the inhabitants of Schleswig, but he had forgotten to tell them the part he had acted last Session. The hon. Baronet forgot that he and those who thought with him, had witnessed with something like pleasure, the intervention of Prussia and Austria on behalf of what the House had been told were "oppressed nationalities." They had been told last year by those hon. Gentlemen how badly Denmark treated the people of the Duchies; how she compelled them to speak Danish instead of High Dutch, and subjected them to other oppressions of that character. But now, on the showing of the hon. Baronet, it would appear that Prussia treated the feelings of the people of the northern portion of Schleswig with more contempt than had ever been exhibited towards the other portions of the Duchies by Denmark. He could not think that any Englishman could be satisfied with the state of things now existing but last year the hon. Baronet could not see that the idea of Prussia, a semi-despotic Power, which held other nationalities in oppression, coming forward to emancipate the people of the Duchies was the merest delusion. It was some satisfaction to those who had opposed her designs to find the hon. Baronet confessing the delusion. The hon. Baronet was now surprised that Prussia should have but one object in view—her own aggrandizement. He, also, was astonished; but his astonishment was at the hon. Baronet's being surprised; for he thought that what was so obvious now was quite as obvious last year.
§ MR. LAYARDsaid, that his hon. Friend (Sir Harry Verney) had placed on the paper two questions; but he had not put those questions to him, nor had his speech any relation to them. Last year the hon. Baronet was a most earnest advocate of the measures which the German Powers were then taking with regard to the Danish Provinces, while his hon. Friend the Member for Reading (Sir Francis Goldsmid) and himself endeavoured to check his sympathies for those oppressed nationalities. Last year his hon. Friend was most anxious that Her Majesty's Government should not interfere. Well, with respect to the first part of the question, he had to state that Her Majesty's Government had not interfered since the termination of the war; and he had no information to give as to what was taking place in the Duchies of Schleswig Holstein. When the Duchies were sepa- 931 rated from Denmark they were placed in a very anomalous position. They were not a part of the territories of Prussia and Austria, and they were not a part of Denmark. The Duchies had ports and shipping, and it was necessary that they should have a flag, and it was thought necessary by Her Majesty's Government to give a provisional recognition to that flag. With regard to the second part of the Question, his hon. Friend attached admissions to that recognition which he could not countenance. By recognizing the flag Her Majesty's Government merely gave it a provisional status, and it was not intended thereby to recognize any rights of Prussia and Austria, or any right of the Germanic Confederation. It was merely a matter of convenience. When Her Majesty's Government provisionally recognized the flag, they did not by that act admit the rights of either one party or the other.