§ MR. HALIBURTONsaid, he rose to call the attention of the Government to our relations with Mexico; and to inquire of the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether information has reached the Government that Mexican agents have been commissioned to fit out in America privateers, to operate against the commerce of this country; and whether measures have been taken either in anticipation or in consequence thereof? It was well known to every hon. Member of the House that for the last quarter of a century Mexico had been in a continual state of civil war. The peace of that country was constantly broken by armed partisans or ambitious aspirants for supreme power. War, almost to extermination, was waged, prisoners were put to death, property was confiscated by the successful party, whichever it might be. But, however deplorable might have been the condition of the natives, the position of foreign residents in the country was still worse. They were the objects of plunder to each party in succession, as it became predominant. What they were pleased to call forced loans were extorted from them, or, if they refused to contribute to them, they were cast into prison, and were denied all the protection which the administration of the laws in civilized countries provided for foreign residents. But of all the foreigners in Mexico, those who suffered most were the English, for two reasons—because they were better worth robbing as being richer than others, and also because it was known that their own Government would not interfere to procure redress for them. For years the British residents had called for redress, but had received none. When they appealed to the navy on the station, they were told that the commanders had no orders; and when the consuls reported to the Home Government, the only replies were threats that were never carried out and promises that were never fulfilled. 1269 Even the specie trains that were convoyed by armed guards were stopped and robbed, travellers were murdered, and at last a consul was assassinated. For that outrage no redress was obtained, and then the house of another consul was attacked, and a large amount of property under his official charge was taken away. The commander of an English man-of-war was waylaid and nearly murdered, and at last matters reached such a pitch that the interests of merchants resident at home were affected, and then they pressed the matter upon the consideration of the Government. In former times the English Government had always been able, and not unwilling to redress the wrongs of their subjects abroad; but times had changed, and that was no longer the case now. There was a feeling abroad that the English Government were not able, or, if able, were not willing, by themselves to redress the wrongs of English subjects abroad, and therefore in such cases always sought the aid of the bayonets of our neighbours across the Channel. That appeared to him to be a very inconvenient practice. He did not at all undervalue the importance of the French alliance, but still the bonds of alliance might be drawn too tight. A little time before we had a quarrel with the Chinese. It was a British quarrel, but French assistance was called in to obtain redress for the wrongs the British complained of. The inconvenience of the arrangement, however, was felt when our expedition was delayed by the incompleteness of the French arrangements. It was not pleasant, either, to read the questions that were put in the French Senate as to whether the English could be trusted in Mexico, nor the observations that they were tired of helping England to redress her grievances, and that the money spent in the Crimea and China would have been better employed in invading England. Still, the co-operation of the French in our enterprise against the Mexicans might be unobjectionable, and it was better that we should be acting together than fighting against each other. But there the alliance ought to have stopped; but it was judged necessary to have further assistance, and of all people in the world we selected the Spaniards for our allies—the very worst allies we could have chosen for such an undertaking, as every person acquainted with the feelings and prejudices of the Mexicans must have known. It appeared to be inevitable that all seceding colonies 1270 should entertain feelings of bitter hostility towards the parent country. The Americans had retained not very amiable feelings towards ourselves, but the Mexicans entertained feelings of dire hatred towards all Spaniards, and yet these were the allies we had adopted upon the present occasion. The Spaniards maintained that the English had invited them to help, while here it had been stated that the offers came from Spain. But, not content with that acknowledgment of our weakness, and not believing that the united forces would be sufficient for the expedition, we had cast about for other allies, and applied, above all, to the Yankees to help us. Every one must he fully aware that the policy of the Americans had been quite different from ours. When they had any grievances in Mexico, real or fancied, they undertook to redress them for themselves. More than that, they had a doctrine, which they ostentatiously put forward the Monroe doctrine—declaring that no European Power had any right to redress any grievances in America, or to meddle in the affairs of that continent, from the North Pole to Cape Horn. But when the Americans had a grievance against Mexico, they redressed it by annexing Texas. They also appropriated California, with its rich gold mines, and, besides this, had their eyes upon the rest of Mexico, when it suited them So they said, "You are beating up for recruits against the Mexicans. But they are Republicans as we are. They break the laws and repudiate their engagements at pleasure as we do. Their liberty is exactly like ours—that is, every man may do what he pleases with reference to the law. It is only the case of the big eagle and the little one. So we must decline your offer." Everybody must be pleased that such an offer met with such answer. Then the three Powers came to an agreement, like the class of persons of whom it was said that there was honour even among them. These honourable Powers agreed that there should be no "grabbing;" there was to be no monopoly of spoil; each was to behave like a gentleman and an honest man. Not one of the three seemed to trust the other two, so the agreement was reduced formally to writing, and was then signed and sealed. But somehow the first thing these honest people did was to quarrel. The Spaniards made a dash. They probably thought that the English were always slow, while the French were in the habit of ap- 1271 propriating all the glory. So the Spaniards resolved to be beforehand, and to monopolize the honour themselves. When the Spaniards landed, the Mexicans naturally said, "Here are our old enemies. They are backed by; the English and French. We are going to have a Spanish king set over us." They withdrew from Vera Cruz., relying on the pestilential season, which would, no doubt, prove their best ally, and perhaps make a second Walcheren of this expedition. They ordered the inhabitants, on pain of death, to abstain from any intercourse with the invaders; they destroyed all the provisions in the neighbourhood, and retreated to points where they could meet the enemy. Really one could hardly credit that a Government like our own—an honourable and a manly Government; one conspicuous for ages all over the world for its truth and probity, and the fulfilment of its engagements—should have sent to Mexico as their forerunners repudiating Spaniards, who had been driven away from all the great exchanges of Europe for their had faith in money matters. However, so it was. The Spaniards were sent to preach financial honesty to the Mexicans, and to tell them what a dreadful thing the repudiation of debt was. Now, one of the questions he wished to ask was, what are the relations of this country with Mexico. "Are we at peace or at war?" If we are at war, where was that old-fashioned proclamation which every Government of honour and probity felt bound to issue before they invaded a nation with whom they were at peace? He looked in vain for a proclamation of war; but he found a peace manifesto, which looked as though it had been copied from the Chinese, one of the most bombastic, inflated, high-stilted documents ever penned. That peace proclamation was backed, of course, by some rifled cannon, a few thousand soldiers, and a very large fleet. It told the Mexicans that the allies had come for their good; very much like some German ladies, in the reign of George II., who told the English people, "We have come for all your goods." So the Spaniards said they had no private objects to serve. They only wished to assist the natives in forming a good Government. At the end of the proclamation were these remarkable words, "All this is quite true." Surely every Englishman must feel a blush of shame at the necessity of such an attestation, showing as it did a consciousness that the word of those 1272 who framed the document was not likely to be taken. There having been no proclamation of war, were we at peace with Mexico? This could hardly be; for if taking armed possession of; one of the largest fortresses in America was not a state of war, he hardly knew the meaning of the word. Suppose, for instance, that a large fleet and army from Cherbourg took possession of Southampton, and the commanders said, "We come as friends; we have some little grievances to complain of; but we won't settle them here; we will go to London to do that." This would be a parallel case to the joint possession of Vera Cruz. He should not omit to mention that in this proclamation the Mexicans were told that they must pay for the coming, the going, and the staying of the allies. And, besides this, each of the high contracting parties had a separate bill of items. The English bill was "To murdering a consul," so many pounds; "To stealing so much money from another consul;" "To shooting at a commodore and breaking his leg," so much; and so on. Each of the three Powers had a nice little account current; and he asked again, was this state of things war or peace? Evidently the Spaniards thought it war; because General Prim had congratulated his troops upon the great victory they had obtained. That was very much like some other victories of which we had recently heard a good deal, in which one man was killed, two wounded, and several hundred frightened. At Vera Cruz, however no one was killed, or wounded whatever, yet the Spaniards were congratulated in that magnificent style, and victory there was. The allies divided the fortress between them, each having a quarter, and the English were put into one quarter so filthy and pestilential that it was impossible to describe it without disgust; and if his information were correct, the troops were already suffering from yellow fever. The allies were divided in their counsels; some were for going up to Mexico, some for embarking their troops. At all events, the landing in the country to insist upon the fulfilment of promises of redress, whatever terms might be used with regard to it, was a state of war. And then came all those belligerent rights that appertained to war, and among them the right of issuing letters of marque. Not being a party to the Convention of Paris, the Mexicans had all the rights which existed before the convention. Now, he wished to ask whether information had 1273 reached the Government that there were Mexican agents in the United States having commissions to fit out privateers to prey upon English commerce; if such in formation had reached the Government, what measures had been taken to prevent that conduct; and if such information had not reached them, whether any steps would be taken in anticipation of such an event? It was very easy to say that by the law of nations privateers could not be fitted out, because, as the coast was occupied by the English fleet, no privateers could sail from any Mexican port, and they would have no right to sail from a neutral harbour. But what reason had people to say that the Americans would not allow it, for their international law was not the old international law of Europe, which they held to be as antiquated as the nations which acknowledged it, but a law which they laid down for their own guidance. Therefore there was no security, unless a strong effort was made by the English Government, that the Americans would regard the law of nations; and anybody who knew anything of the people of the States would know what pleasure would be felt at the fact of a privateer, nominally commanded by a Mexican, catching English merchantmen on the coast of Mexico. He had seen the statement which he had mentioned in American papers—they were not a very good authority, but if they knew anything at all they must know what was going on in New York; and what made him more anxious was that our colonists were afraid of it, and they knew what was taking place at the other side of the water much better than we did.
§ MR. LAYARDsaid, he thought that his hon. Friend had touched rather lightly upon the real cause of the expedition to Mexico. There were far more grievances to complain of than those mentioned by the hon. Member. Not to go very far back into Mexican history, it would suffice to say that three or four years ago a party known as the Church party possessed the Government, which recognised as their principles the utmost intolerance, and as their cry "Death to foreigners." The papers that had been laid on the table would show in what manner those principles were carried out, and how that cry succeeded. He need scarcely remind the House that an English consul and a French consul had been murdered; that after one victory every officer taken, and they were fifty-three in number, were 1274 barbarously put to death. And not only that, but the medical men who had remained to attend on the wounded, relying on the respect universally paid to those engaged in this task of humanity, had been taken out and shot. Among them was a Dr. Duval, for whose murder compensation was demanded by the English Government. So infamous was the conduct of the authorities, that Mr. Mathew, Her Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires at Mexico, was compelled to leave the capital. Before he did so, he placed a sum of 660,000 dollars in a room in the British Legation, and set his seal on the door, trusting that it would serve as a protection to that property. He had scarcely left the capital, when the authorities violated the seal, broke open the room in the Legation, and plundered the whole of the money. That money was money which had been paid to the English bondholders. At that time what was called the Constitutional party, it the bead of which was Juarez, was established at Vera Cruz; in a short time they extended their authority over the greater part of the republic, the capital and the surrounding territory alone remaining in the hands of the Church party. The British authorities opened communications with this so-called Constitutional party; and Captain Dunlop, an officer in the British service, entered into a formal convention with Juarez for the payment of certain debts due to British subjects, and for the settlement of certain claims. A portion of the customs dues of the ports of Vera Cruz and Tampico were assigned to the liquidation of those debts. That convention was concluded in the time of the Earl of Derby's Government, and was by them accepted and ratified; but not having been fully carried ant, it was succeeded by another, also signed by a British officer, Captain Oldham. At that time the Constitutional party were full of promises. They expected to get back to Mexico, and were willing to undertake to satisfy all the claims the British Government had upon them. But as their successes increased, they began to neglect their promises. In a short time a considerable sum of money, 400,000 dollars, which also belonged to British bondholders, was stolen, by persons of high rank in the employment of the authorities. It was the custom in Mexico to send down convoys from the interior to the coast, under an escort, which was called a conducta, to afford protection against the 1275 brigands who infested the country. One of these convoys, known as the Laguna Secca, charged with that large sum of money, was attacked by the officers of the Government itself under General Degollado, and the money plundered. Upon the representation of Mr. Glennie, the consul at Mexico, a part of the money was given back as belonging to British subjects; it was, however, again seized upon under various pretences, but was afterwards restored and divided among French, British, and other claimants. Sir Charles Wyke was about that period sent out as Envoy Extraordinary from this country; but in the mean time Mr. Mathew had recognised the Government of Juarez, which had established itself in the capital, on the condition that the grievances of British subjects should be redressed and British claims made good. On the arrival of Sir Charles Wyke in Mexico, it was hoped that these promises would be carried out. Unfortunately, they were not. Little change, indeed, took place in the state of affairs in Mexico. After Sir Charles Wyke's arrival murders had been rife, several Englishmen had been brutally killed, no redress had been granted; and not only that, but the whole of the claims of British subjects, even those secured by the convention, had been repudiated. Though the authorities had agreed to pay back the sum that had been scandalously plundered from the British Legation, they evaded that promise by saying that it was a personal matter and that those who had been engaged in it should be tried for the offence. A mock trial took place, and the person chiefly compromised was acquitted, on the ground that it was not a robbery, but only "an occupation"—the money was only "occupied." Thus all redress was refused. A tax upon the capital of all foreigners was soon after imposed. The last and crowning act was the suspension of cash payments, however guaranteed, for two years. Sir Charles Wyke, having thus failed utterly to obtain redress for grievances and a recognition of our just claims, suspended his relations with the Mexican Government. The hon. Gentleman had stated that the English Government, finding that they could obtain no redress, had asked for the assistance of Spain and France. But was that so? Most undoubtedly not. The Spanish Government had claims as well as the English against Mexico. They had entered into a treaty with Mexico, known as the Mon-Almonte 1276 treaty, which appeared to him exceedingly moderate; and that treaty having been grossy violated, they had a right to demand redress and compensation. They had, moreover, to demand reparation for the murder of a large number of Spanish subjects. The French Government also had pecuniary claims, and claims for the murder of a consul and other persons. Indeed, two or three months ago the French Minister himself was shot at, and no apology or redress had been given to the French Government. But before the English Government had moved, the Spanish Government had already taken steps, and our action was nearly simultaneous. The hon. Gentleman complained that we permitted the Spaniards to arrive in Mexico before ourselves. No doubt there had been some misunderstanding in that, but it had been fully explained by the Spanish Government. It appeared that the Spanish governor at Havannah, understanding that an expedition was to take place, but not being aware that any steps were to be taken by France or England, had sent troops to Vera Cruz as early as possible. The Spanish Government explained how this happened, and the explanation was deemed satisfactory. He thought that his hon. Friend was in error when he stated that, in taking the steps they did, the Spanish Government wished to have, as he facetiously termed it, "the first share in the grab." This first misunderstanding having been satisfactorily settled, from that time there had been no reason to complain of the results of the prior occupation; on the contrary, there had been cordial co-operation between the Spanish and English commissioners and officers. His hon. Friend said, that when the English arrived they found the place already occupied, and that the English troops were placed in a building too disgusting to be described. In that respect his hon. Friend was misinformed. The statement received by the Government from its own officers was to the effect that a building just quitted by Spanish troops outside the town had been assigned to a body of English marines; but that this building not having been found convenient, the best and most airy edifice in Vera Cruz had been given to them. Nor did he believe that his hon. Friend was well informed when he said that yellow fever had broken out among the English troops. Certainly no confirmation of such a report had 1277 reached the Foreign Office. His hon. Friend had commented on a certain proclamation which had been issued, and he was somewhat inclined to agree with his hon. Friend in his criticisms. Its tone was not quite that to which Englishmen in their plain dealing were accustomed, and he might say at once that the Government did not approve that part of the proclamation in which it was said that the object of the intervention of foreign Powers in Mexico was the regeneration of the people and to enable them to form a new Government. So far from that being the case, the papers on the table showed that Her Majesty's Government had most distinctly stated from the commencement that their object in going to Mexico was not to interfere in internal affairs, but solely for the purpose of claiming the due fulfilment of engagements existing between the Mexican Government and this country, and for the protection of English life and property. The British Government were, of course, anxious that a Power with which they were desirous of being on friendly terms should be regenerated from the lamentable condition into which it had fallen; and that Mexico, rich in natural resources, should occupy that position among the family of nations to which she was entitled; but we could take no active part in bringing the regeneration about. The English force had gone there, solely to obtain that justice which this country was entitled to demand. His hon. Friend commented upon what he termed the application made by the English Government to the United States for aid Her Majesty's Government had done nothing of the kind. All they had done, in concurrence with the other Powers parties to the convention, was to invite the United States, if they thought fit, to join with them in demanding redress of grievances from Mexico. Knowing the interest which the United States felt in Mexico, that was but a just consideration for their susceptibilities. The reasons for our inviting the United States, and their reasons for declining, were fully set forth in the papers which had been laid upon the table of the House. Her Majesty's Government only desired that the United States Government should have an opportunity of uniting with them in asking for that redress to which they were entitled as well as ourselves. They could not do less than ask the United States to join with us, and he believed the United States Government fully appreciated the course taken by the three 1278 Powers. His hon. Friend said that the answer of the United States was that, so far from helping the expedition, they would help the Mexicans. That was not the case. What they said was this:—"We are anxious to preserve the independence of Mexico. If we can assist them as a neighbouring State, in whose political institutions we sympathize, we will do so; and that assistance will consist in giving them the means of discharging their pecuniary obligations to the three Powers." Whether anything would come of that offer or not he (Mr. Layard) was then unable to say. Then his hon. Friend had asked whether this country was at peace or at war. He thought it was not at war. So far from that being the case, the last advices stated that the Government of which Juarez was the chief had shown a disposition to treat with the allies and to concede their just demands. He trusted that ample concessions would be made, and that the necessity for violent measures might be avoided. His hon. Friend had also asked whether letters of marque had been issued. The Government had no positive information on the point, but reports had reached them to the effect that agents of the Mexican Government had been sent to New York and to other ports in the Northern States furnished with letters of marque. The Government had not hitherto heard that any such letters had been issued, but they had adopted means to protect British commerce and property by informing Sir Alexander Milne, who commanded our fleet on the American Station, that Mexican agents with letters of marque were supposed to be in the United States; and there could be no doubt that a good account would be given by that admiral of any privateers attempting to interfere with British commerce.
§ Motion agreed to.