§ MR. H. B. SHERIDANsaid, he would beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury, Whether it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to increase our Naval Forces in the Sicilian waters, in order the better to afford aid and shelter to such persons as may claim protection from the English Flag; whether it is intended to communicate to the Court of Naples the abhorrence of Her Majesty's Government of such acts as the recent bombardment of Palermo; whether it is intended to accompany such communication with a recommendation to conduct the War in future upon the rules recognized in civilized warfare; and whether it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to protest against, and, if necessary, vigorously to endeavour to avert, the interference of any non-Italian Power in the struggle now pending between the King of Naples and his subjects?
§ VISCOUNT PALMERSTONSir, in answer to the first question of my hon. Friend, I have to state that my noble Friend at the head of the Foreign Department has requested the Admiralty to station one ship of war at Marsala, one at Messina, and one at Palermo, and four ships are to be stationed in the Bay of Naples, all for the purpose of affording shelter to the British subjects who may require it. I hope that distribution will be sufficient and satisfactory. With regard to the second question, we understand that the Government of Naples has sent a diplomatic agent to Paris and London, who may very shortly—within two days—be expected to arrive here, for the purpose of making certain communications to the two Governments of France 330 and England. I trust the House will not for a moment doubt that in our communications to that envoy we shall express to him those feelings which Her Majesty's Government, in common with everybody in this country, entertain with regard to the barbarities which have been perpetrated at Palermo—barbarities which are really disgraceful to the present age and civilization. With regard to any expectations that such a representation may have any beneficial effect on the future conduct of the Government of Naples, I cannot venture to lead the House to entertain any very sanguine hope. That Government is far more likely to do that which happened at the sack and massacre of Perugia, where the officer who committed those atrocities received promotion at the hands of the Papal Government. It is more likely, I apprehend, that the naval and military officers who conducted the operations at Palermo, instead of reprimand and punishment, will receive tokens of reward from the Royal Government of Naples. With regard to the last question we know that the Government of Naples has applied for assistance to its foreign allies—assistance in the shape of a guarantee to the King of Naples of the possession of the Two Sicilies. Austria has peremptorily and positively refused to interfere in the affairs of Naples. We have every reason to believe that the determination of the Government of France is similar to that of Austria, and I need not say what is the feeling of the British Government upon a matter of that kind. It is the fault and fortune of Governments like those of Rome and Naples, when, by the cruelties and atrocities committed under their authority, their subjects have been driven to desperation and have revolted, that they appeal to all friendly Powers for assistance to remove the men who are the authors and instigators of the revolution. Those Governments forget that they themselves are the real and original authors and instigators of those revolutionary movements, and if their prayer were granted, and steps taken to accomplish the object they desired, unless, which is very unlikely, they were prepared to alter their own courses, the first, most effectual, and only necessary step would be their own removal.