§ MR. BENTINCKsaid, he trusted that whether he could induce any hon. Member to take the view he held on the subject he was about to bring before the House or not, the importance of that subject was a sufficient excuse for his bringing it forward. Whatever might have been the apathy of the people of this country during many years on the subject of the national defences, he believed that within the last few years that apathy had entirely ceased to exist. Indeed, the amount of interest now taken in the subject was one of the best safeguards they had for the security of the country. Whatever had been the anxiety of the country with regard to our defences, he believed that during the last year it had very materially increased. That anxiety had increased, not only from the different aspect of affairs abroad, but also from opinions expressed and statements that had been made by persons of high authority on the subject. Those opinions and those statements had tended to create throughout the country the deepest possible interest in the question. The country, whatever it might have been formerly on the subject, was now made aware that the question was one which must be dealt with in the clearest and simplest possible terms, and was no longer to be considered unimportant. He believed that the fact of those opinions being promulgated would have a beneficial effect on the mind of the country. The people formerly looked on the question of the defences of the country as wild, chimerical, and childish; but now they looked on it as one of the most important to which attention could be called. The nation had heard, from a source on which it was accustomed to place the utmost reliance, that the aspect of European affairs has changed, that as far as we were concerned the invention of steam had altered our position for the worse by bridging over the Channel; and it has 283 been taught from the lips of the First Minister of the Crown to recognize the startling truth that a Ministry which did not devote its best energies to the defence of the country was worthy of impeachment. Little as he had ever been disposed to doubt the possibility of an invasion, he was still less inclined to do so after the statement which had gone forth on authority. Was it wise, then, to confine their discussions or their views to a single branch of the subject of national defence? Ought they not rather to inquire whether there were means by which an enemy, attempting a descent on this country, might embarrass the proceedings of the defenders, and so gain for the enterprise material advantages, and a probability of success? Under present circumstances, he maintained it would be extremely easy for means to be taken which would not only facilitate the landing of troops on the coast at a point where the country would not be prepared immediately to collect the force requisite to repel the attempt, but which would to a great extent paralyze our means of repelling the assault. The noble Lord at the head of the Government, on a recent occasion, as well as in former debates, had taken the manly and straightforward course of stating frankly and without mystification, that in talking of the defences of the country, the danger which these were intended to guard against was the possibility of invasion by Prance. It would be undignified and evasive if the House were for a moment to attempt to avoid that issue. He himself did not believe in the probability of any such invasion, and he felt convinced that if the attempt were ever made it would end in the destruction of every individual who landed. He was not actuated by any hostile feeling in making these remarks, nor did he believe that it was the wish or intention of France to invade us; but it was no less true that she had placed herself in a position in which she was not at all times and under all circumstances a free agent. Warfare was conducted now on wholly different principles and with different weapons from those in use thirty years ago, and England, in availing herself of what he still regarded as her too limited resources, would be forced to rely, in a great degree, on modern inventions of a very useful character, but so fragile in their nature that almost a breath would destroy them. In the event of invasion electric wires and railways must form important 284 elements in our means of conducting internal operations. It was under such circumstances that the view suggested by his Motion became important. Within the limits of the Metropolis and spread about the country were thousands of foreigners, of whom a large proportion were of doubtful—he might even go further, and say of the worst character. He was by no means to be understood as uttering any general condemnation of the foreign residents in this country; but no one could deny that thousands of persons such as he had described were to be found, mere adventurers, who had been driven in many cases by misconduct from their own country, and, not being very susceptible on the point of honour, would readily lend themselves to any proceeding for which they were to be pecuniarily rewarded. In the event of a sudden attack on this country, the able tacticians by whom the movement would he directed would naturally seize the obvious advantage of employing these men as spies within the camp. If the class to which he had referred should not prove available for this purpose, the most unlimited facilities existed for conveying to this country, without attracting any observation, whatever number of persons might be requisite for the purpose of collecting information, and for destroying simultaneously the telegraphic wires and railways, which at the critical moment would be indispensable to the defences of this country. He wished to ask the right hon. Baronet whether, if intelligence reached him that persons with mischievous designs, such as he had referred to, had landed in this country, he at this moment possessed the power of adopting such summary measures as would under the circumstances be needed for the national safety. It was no use garrisoning a city if the gates were left open and any number of the enemy allowed to enter simply because they were unarmed when they presented themselves. That was the exact position in which this country was placed. The facts he had stated were a sufficient justification for his calling the attention of the House to the question, and unless the Government were able to say that they did not believe in the existence of the danger to which he had referred, or that they had full power and authority immediately to deal with it, he thought that he had made out his case, and that he was entitled to ask the Government in what way they were prepared to deal with the matter. 285 The right hon. Gentleman the Home Secretary might say that if we got rid of all foreigners there would still be disreputable people in the country, and therefore the danger would not be removed; but such an argument would not be an answer, because at all events as the number of dangerous persons decreased the danger would be materially diminished, and the Government would have the satisfaction of knowing that everything that could be done had been done. He might very likely be told that he was endeavouring to introduce an alien Bill, and it was perfectly true, if the case he had submitted were not listened to, that he, for one, should be prepared to meet the difficulty by legislation. If it were indispensable, it would be downright insanity not to pass such a Bill. The proposal he should make would in no way affect those foreigners who had left their own countries on account of their political opinions. The powers with which he wished to see the Government invested were such as would enable them, if they thought it necessary, to take stringent means for dealing with certain classes of foreigners in this country. If they left the Government without such powers all their other attempts at defence were a perfect farce; and they would be stultifying themselves by attempting in broad daylight to defend their coasts, whilst they neglected any defence against secret and most mischievous enemies who were living within their own capital. The notice which he had placed on the paper was—
To call the attention of the House to the necessity, in the present aspect of the affairs of Europe, for conferring on the Government more stringent powers for dealing with foreigners of suspicious character resident in this country;And in conclusion he would ask the Home Secretary whether he would not admit the truth of the statement which he (Mr. Bentinck) had made, and whether he had powers that would enable him to deal in an efficient manner with such an emergency as had been spoken of if it should occur; and, if he had not such powers, whether he did not think that it would be conducive to the safety of the country that he should have them.
SIR GEORGE LEWISI entirely differ from the hon. Gentleman in the construction which he has put upon the speech of the noble Lord at the head of the Government—
§ MR. SPEAKERIt is so. I intimated to the right hon. Baronet when he rose that it is only by the indulgence of the House that he could again address it.
SIR GEORGE LEWISI have no wish to intrude myself on the House, but if it is not objected to I will go on. I was saying that I entirely differed from the hon. Gentleman in the construction which he has put on the remarks attributed to the noble Lord at the head of the Government. I did not at all understand my noble Friend to represent to the House that he entertained any expectation or fear of any imminent invasion of this country either from France or any other part of Europe. On the contrary, his argument went to show—
§ MR. SPEAKERThe right hon. Gentleman is entirely out of order in referring to a previous debate.
SIR GEORGE LEWISThe hon. Gentleman made a distinct allusion to that speech, but, however, I will only say that, in any statement recently addressed to the House, I did not understand that it was wished to create any impression that the shores of this country were likely to be immediately invaded. What I understood lo be meant was that, in consequence of political changes which had taken place since the peace of 1815, in consequence of the changes which had taken place in the art of war, and with respect to communications, we were placed in a position of inferiority with regard to our defences to that in which we stood some years ago. That had no relation to any immediate danger, it was permanent, and it was proposed to meet it by a permanent system of defence. The question with regard to our defences was whether we should expend a greater sum. [Mr. BERNAL OSBORNE—Order, order!] Well, then, I will proceed at once to answer the hon. Gentleman's question; but it was difficult to meet his remarks without explaining my reasons for differing from the very ground on which he based his question. I will only say that I do not concur with him in thinking that we are exposed to any immediate danger such as his question refers to. If war should arise at any time be-teen this country and any foreign country it will be competent to this House to entertain the question of an Alien Act. During the war which ended in 1815 the Government was armed with the powers of an Alien Act, though they were rarely-exercised. I confess that my own opinion of the security derived from an Alien Act, 287 even in times of war, is by no means an I exalted one. In time of peace I do not believe that any material benefit would arise from arming the Government with powers such as those which existed during the French Revolution of apprehending persons—who, as Lord Macaulay describes them, I think in one of his Essays, were "suspected of being of a suspicious character." It is that power of dealing with persons of a suspicious character with which it is now sought to invest the Government. Then, how are they to be dealt with? It must either be by deportation from this country or by imprisonment within it. I much doubt whether, without some stronger reason than any that has been presented to the House, Parliament would be disposed to grant the Government such powers even if we thought it necessary to ask for them. I shall not follow the hon. Gentleman into his remarks upon the character of a large number of the foreigners resident in this country. I can only say that I do not at all assent to the description which he gave of them. I believe the great majority of those foreigners are persons who are peacefully pursuing different branches of trade and industry, and by no means likely to engage in such projects and machinations as the hon. Gentleman has sketched to us. There are, no doubt, a certain number of persons who have taken refuge in this country on political grounds; but they surely cannot be accused of entertaining any very strong sympathy for the Governments by which they have been proscribed. I can hardly conceive any class of persons who would be less likely to aid any invading or hostile Power in the plans to which the hon. Member refers. Under these circumstances I can only say that I myself have no desire to see the Executive Government at the present moment armed with any discretionary power of dealing with aliens of either a suspicious character or of any character whatever; and it is certainly not the intention of Her Majesty's Government to propose any measure of the kind.