COMMITTEE.

HC Deb 05 July 1858 vol 151 cc931-45

Order for Committee read.

House in Committee.

Clause 33 (Regulations to be made for admitting Persons to be examined for Cadetships in Engineers and Artillery).

MR. MONSELL

observed, that the noble Lord had introduced into this Bill the principle of open competition for the cadetships in the Artillery and Engineering service. He supposed by that that the noble Lord meant competition for admission to Addiscombe, and not directly into the ranks of the scientific corps, as the mere possession of theoretical knowledge was not sufficient to make a young man a good officer. He must go through a practical course of training. At present two-fifths of the students at Addiscombe were admitted by nomination. He suggested the insertion of some words in the clause which should make it clear that in future all the admissions to that College would be by open competition.

LORD STANLEY

said, he understood that this question was only raised in order to obtain from the Government an explanation of the course which they desired to pursue. It was not accidental that the clause contained no special reference to Addiscombe. The Government thought they had better not pledge themselves to any particular plan of carrying out the principle, and, therefore, their object in drawing the clause was merely to lay down the general principle, leaving the details to be settled afterwards. He was quite ready to assent to the principle laid down by the hon. Member, that it was desirable that these cadets should receive instruction in the Military College in the details of the services before they received admission into the corps. From everything he knew or had heard of Addiscombe, he believed it was an institution which had admirably answered its purpose; no fault whatever was to be found with its management, and he should be sorry to do anything to impair its efficiency. He did not see any objection to the admissions being partly by nomination and partly by competition; but he thought it would be better to leave the details in the hands of the executive rather than to tie their hands by any fixed rules.

SIR FRANCIS BARING

expressed his satisfaction at the adoption of the principle of open competition; but he feared that the effect of the clause as it stood would be to separate the Engineers and Artillery departments from the College of Addiscombe,

Clause read 2^o.

Clause 34 (One-tenth of Persons recommended for Military Cadetships to be selected from Sons of Persons who have served in India).

MR. BLACKBURN

thought the adoption of the principle of hereditary right in such matters was very objectionable. It tended to create a privileged class, and was founded on a sentimental notion. If it was good for India it must be equally good for this country.

MR. MONCKTON MILNES

said, that the principle was already applied to the appointments in the Excise. But he did not think it a good principle, and thought that they could not have a better sytem than that which existed at Addiscombe under the present arrangement, which it was now proposed to alter. He hoped that, at all events, the system in the Artillery and Engineers at Addiscombe would be maintained.

COLONEL SYKES

understood, that by this clause one-tenth part of the patronage allotted to the future Government of India was to be distributed among the sons of old officers of the Indian service. Such a system had frequently been attempted, and a wish had always been expressed in the Court of Directors that the claims which Indian officers had upon the State for past services should, as far as possible, be recognised by the means of appointments for their children; but, in practice, they were invariably at a loss to determine the exact proportion in which those appointments should be allotted. They had discussed the matter over and over again, but had always been obliged to give it up. During the last eighteen years, from 1840 to 1857 inclusive, the total number of military appointments was 5,477. How had they been distributed? Why, among the sons of military, medical, and marine officers, the sons of chaplains in the East India Company's service and of the civil servants, 1,865 had been given, or two-fifths of the whole; 717 to the sons of Royal officers, 580 to the sons of clergymen, and 2,315 to the sons of professional men belonging to the middle classes. None of those appointments could be traced in the smallest degree to political motives; but the Directors, in making them, had been animated solely by the public good. He recommended the noble Lord to leave out the clause altogether, as being unnecessary.

MR. VERNON SMITH

hoped that the clause would be retained, as he thought it established a very good distribution of patronage. But everything depended upon the manner in which it was carried out. The hon. Member for Aberdeen (Colonel Sykes) took credit for the distribution of patronage by the Court of Directors. Now it was natural that the Company should give appointments to the sons of their old friends, and they had no more right to claim credit on that account than he should have for giving appointments as President of the Board of Control to the sons of Members of Parliament. That connection now ceased, and therefore some such clause was necessary; but a provision should be introduced, making the appointments to depend on the distinction of the officers whose sons were applicants. Care should be taken to prevent the appointment from becoming hereditary.

SIR EDWARD COLEBROOKE

said, that great disadvantage arose under the present system from want of some person to whom distinguished officers could apply specially for appointments. He was glad that a fund was established under the Bill by which distinguished officers would be assisted in their application.

SIR FREDERICK SMITH

hoped the clause would be maintained as it stood, because it would enable the Secretary of State to reward deserving officers, whether they had acquired distinction in the field or in quarters.

SIR HENRY RAWLINSON

thought the clause was one of a most beneficial character.

COLONEL SYKES

said, it appeared to him most difficult to carry out this clause. About one-half of his appointments had been given to the sons of officers, and they proved themselves most competent for the duties imposed on them.

LORD STANLEY

thought it was an exaggeration to suppose that this clause was introducing any dangerous principle into the administration by the adoption of this clause. They should remember that only about one-tenth of the whole number entered into this competition, and that proportion was so small as hardly to affect the general character of the service. He could not see any difficulty that could arise under this clause, except that the number of deserving claimants might be greater than the number of appointments. But that was a difficulty that had occurred in many cases. If any case of doubt or difficulty arose, there was nothing in the clause to prevent the expedient being resorted to of establishing a limited competition amongst those who were considered otherwise deserving. He thought the principle of the clause was very intelligible. No doubt the claims of the Indian civil and military servants had been fairly recognized; but it was one thing to go and ask for an appointment in the shape of a private favour, and another to go to a public body and seek for a recompense for services publicly performed.

MR. BLACKBURN

thought the principle involved in the clause of a highly dangerous character.

SIR EDWARD COLEBROOKE

suggested the introduction of the words, "who have served with distinction."

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER

said, it appeared to him that the word, with distinction," might limit the application of the clause, so as to do injustice to individuals, by preventing the clause operating in cases where it was obviously intended to apply. A case of merit might occur which would not come under the de- nomination of "distinction." A difference might be made between "merit" and distinction," which would create much difficulty. He thought they ought to leave the clause as it stood, and allow a certain discretion to the Council.

In reply to Mr. VERNON SMITH,

LORD STANLEY

stated that the persons to be admitted under this clause would not come in upon easier terms than those to be appointed by nomination.

Clause agreed to.

LORD STANLEY

proposed the following new clause as Clause 35:— Except Except as aforesaid, all persons to be recommended for Military Cadetships shall be nominated by the Secretary of State and Members of Council, so that out of seventeen nominations the Secretary of State shall have two, and each Member of Council shall have one; but no person so nominated shall be recommended unless the nomination be approved of by the Secretary of State in Council. Clause brought up and read the first time.

SIR ERSKINE PERRY moved as an Amendment the rejection of the clause. He concurred with the right hon. Baronet the Member for Carlisle (Sir James Graham), that nothing was so mischievous as giving patronage as a portion of the remuneration of the Members of the Council. He objected to the clause because it would leave the patronage virtually in the hands of the Minister for India. He might be asked what course he himself proposed for the distribution of patronage; but he did not think it incumbent on a private Member who objected to a proposition to bring forward a scheme himself. He felt more satisfied, however, that if cadetships were distributed amongst the great schools of the United Kingdom, they would get excellent men for the service. Why did not the Government adopt the principle of competition? Competition had produced some very good officers for the service, and one of the best armies in the world, the French army, obtained two-thirds of its officers by means of competition, and one-third were appointed from the ranks. He would rather see patronage in the hands of the Minister, even, than in the hands of the Council.

LORD STANLEY

said, the great principle involved in this clause had been already discussed: There were three modes in which patronage might be disposed of. One was by competition; another was that part which was not disposed of by competition might be given to the Minister alone; and a third mode was that which the Go- vernment proposed—namely, of dividing it between the Minister and the Council. He confessed he was very favourable to the principle of competition, believing that it had answered well as far as it had been tried; but at the same time it should be recollected that it was but an experiment, and when they were throwing open the whole scientific branches of the army, he thought that they were giving that principle every fair play. As to the suggestion of giving a portion of this patronage to the public schools, no doubt that would be very satisfactory to that portion of society who sent their sons to public schools; but he was afraid that such a proceeding would give rise to great complaints from classes who were unable to compete with the wealthy classes in obtaining the advantages of these schools, though they give their sons a good education elsewhere. As to leaving the patronage in the hands of the Minister, his objection to that was, that from the extent of the patronage it would be an enormous labour to distribute it properly. It would be very difficult, also, for any Minister to avoid disposing of part of his patronage on political grounds when he had such an enormous amount of it. But, setting aside the question as to the political use of the patronage, he did not think it possible for any Minister charged with the responsibility of distributing this patronage to investigate every case properly. There were, he understood, above 100 of these cadetships to be disposed of every year. He thought that the patronage would be better bestowed when divided among fifteen or sixteen persons than if it were all placed in the hands of one person. There had been many suggestions as to disposing of the patronage by competition, though he had not heard until to-day any proposal to deposit it in the hands of the Minister alone. If it were left in the hands of the Minister it would involve an enormous amount of labour on his part. It would, too, be difficult for any Minister, subject to the ordinary influences that beset a Member of that House, to avoid disposing of some part of this patronage on political grounds. He thought it scarcely possible for any Minister charged with the responsibility of distributing the whole of this patronage to investigate properly every case that came before him in the year. Until to-day he had not heard any suggestion made of giving to the Minister all the patronage.

SIR HENRY RAWLINSON

, the last sentence of the clause seemed to provide two references to the Council; but be could not see why nomination as well as recommendation should be given to the Council.

LORD STANLEY

thought the meaning of the clause plain; the recommendation was placed in the hands of individual Members, but there was to be a check on improper nomination by every appointment being brought before the whole Council.

MR. LOWE

said, he would not oppose this clause were he not convinced that the vesting of the patronage of cadetships in the Indian Council was the very worst mode in which it could be distributed. It was proposed to vest the patronage in the hands of those persons who were to govern India; and the evil was, that by giving them this patronage they would give them a direct private and individual interest which might be in contravention of the public weal. Although he believed the gentlemen who might be appointed members of the Council would administer the patronage as well and as honourably as any private gentlemen, yet, under such an arrangement as the clause proposed, it was impossible that they could stand indifferent between the various branches of the Indian service; for they would have a direct interest in increasing the numbers and emoluments of the military force at the expense of the civil service. The shameful state of the administration of law and justice in the East India Company's territories was well known, and was attributable to the circumstance that had a judicial service been established there would have been a considerable diminution of the civil patronage of the Directors. The Company had enjoyed the patronage of cadetships in the Native army, but they could not confer commissions in the Queen's regiments serving in India; and the consequence was that, whenever new territories had been added to the Company's dominions, the Native army had been increased instead of additions having been made to the Queen's army. He believed that if there was one cause which had contributed more than another to the mutiny in India, it had been the enormous increase of the Native army, because the patronage attached to it was in the hands of the Company. The regular cavalry, which every one knew was very inefficient, had been kept up, while any increase of the irregular cavalry, a most valuable branch of the service, had been discouraged, because the former force afforded the greatest amount of patronage. They proposed to appoint the Members of Council for life, and yet to give them retiring pensions in order to get rid of the evil of appointments for life, and now they were going to contradict themselves again. If a man's health failed, and he wished to retire, and it was for the good of the service that he should retire, yet he would, if he had this patronage, be induced to remain a little longer for the benefit of his children and his grandchildren. There was no plan which they could suggest of giving away this patronage which would not be better than this. He thought the plan of giving away the patronage by competition would be an admirable one. They could have competition on points of strength and agility as well as other things. Would this not be better than leaving the matter to blind chance—for who ever heard of a young gentleman getting a cadetship because he deserved it? If they had not competition, they might sell the appointments, for even that would be better than the present system; and the produce of the sales would prove a very acceptable relief to the Indian Exchequer. The result of the present proposal would be that they would have a competitive civil service and a patronage military service, and that all the feelings and sympathies of the governing body of India would be in favour of that service in which they exercised patronage.

SIR FREDERICK SMITH

thought the right hon. Gentleman had made a most unjust observation in stating that, if the officers of the Indian army had not been badly selected, the Indian mutiny would not have occurred.

MR. LOWE

explained, that he had contended that if it had not been the interest of the Company to increase the Native army to such an extent, that army would not have felt its own strength.

SIR FREDERICK SMITH

thought that there was no danger of too great a number of officers being appointed. It seemed to be assumed that no examination was passed at present, but the fact was that the cadets underwent a very good examination. The right hon. Gentleman said that this proposed system was the very worst that could be adopted, but he had not given them a better. He assured the House that the young men who went out to India went as well prepared as possible. As to competition, they did not find gentlemen engaged in commerce choose their servants by competition. He doubted whether the system would last long.

COLONEL SYKES

observed, that the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Lowe) would learn with some surprise that, in spite of his allegation that the desire of patronage on the part of the Directors had led to the increase of the Native army, that army was now numerically much larger than when the mutiny commenced.

Question put, "That the Clause be read a second time."

The Committee divided:—Ayes 165; Noes 91: Majority 74.

Clause agreed to; as were two other new Clauses.

MR. ELLIOT

then proposed a clause directed to the object of keeping the proportion between the nominated and elected Members the same as at first. It was clear that if they commenced with eight nominated and seven elected Members, yet this proportion would not be kept up under the present provisions of the Bill unless alternate vacancies occurred in the portions of the Council filled up by nomination and by election. He proposed by his clause to enact that in order to secure this vacancies that occurred in the nominated portion of the Council should be filled up by nomination, and those in the elected portion by election.

LORD STANLEY

said, that the hon. Gentleman attached more importance than he (Lord Stanley) did to the maintenance of the exact present proportion at all times between the two clauses who were represented in the Council. The numbers would be at first eight to seven. When the time arrived that all appointed at the outset, whether nominated or elected, should have died off, then the appointments would be alternately by election and nomination; the number of elected and nominated Members would be alternately seven and eight and eight and seven, and the balance would, therefore, ultimately be as nearly equal as possible between the two. It was only in the intervening period that any inequality could arise, and during that time there was just as much chance of the elected Members obtaining a superiority over the nominated ones as of the nominated Members obtaining a superiority over those who were elected. The objection which he entertained to the proposition was, that it would be the means of perpetuating the distinction between the nominated and elected Members, which it seemed to him important should terminate as soon as possible in a body of this kind.

MR. VERNON SMITH

said, that he believed the intention of the Government and the House was that there should be eight nominated and seven elected Members. It was, as he understood, the proposition of the hon. Member to maintain that proportion. He could not see why, if the proportion was a proper one at first, it should not be maintained.

MR. ELLIOT

said, that the first elected Member that died would cause the numbers to become nine and six, which would be contrary to the intentions of Parliament.

SIR FREDERICK SMITH

said, that the second election would neutralize the inequality pointed out by the hon. Member.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL

could not see that there would be anything invidious in a Member of Council being appointed by the Crown to fill a vacancy caused by the death of a nominated Member, or on the other hand, being elected to fill a vacancy caused by the death of an elected Member. He did not, therefore, see any objection to the proposition of his hon. Friend.

Clause negatived.

MR. CAMPBELL

then moved the addition of the following clause:— That, with a view to enabling the Secretary of State for War and the Commander in Chief of the army for the time being to have proper cognisance of the constitution and organization of our army in India, they are hereby appointed ex officio Members of the Council for India. 1. That in transferring the forces of the East India Company to the Crown, and with a view to avoid a double government of the army, the organization, discipline, and control be under the Secretary of State for War and the Horse Guards, in like manner as the existing colonial service of Her Majesty, preserving to such forces all existing rights in reference to pay and allowances. 2. That all first commissions in the army shall be open to public competition, subject to such an examination as the Secretary of State for War shall direct, reserving one-fourth part of such appointments to the sons of persons who have been employed in the military service of the Crown or of the East India Company: that the remaining three-fourth parts be sold at the rate of £400 for each infantry ensigncy or engineer or artillery second lieutenancy, and £500 for each cavalry cornetcy; that this purchase money be received by the State and formed into a retiring fund, having for its objects further efficiency in the service by facilitating early retirement; that these commissions be gazetted in the same manner as all Queen's commissions now are, being, in the first instance, recommended by the Secretary of State for India.

LORD STANLEY

said, that if the Commander in Chief and the Secretary of State for War were appointed members of the Council, that must be done with a view to place the army of India under their control in the same way as was the army in the Colonies. That at once opened and decided the relation between the army in India for local and the army for general purposes. A more difficult question he did not know, and he should be sorry at the present moment to pronounce a decided opinion upon it. It had been already stated that it was the intention of the Government to refer the question of the re-organization of the Indian army to a Commission which would sit during the recess. He hoped that the result of these inquiries would be before the public next Session, and then, but not until then, it would be desirable to enter upon the full consideration of this subject. In the meantime, he thought the Committee would not be prepared to sanction a proposal to transfer the Indian army to the War Department and the Horse Guards without a fuller inquiry than had yet taken place. He could not assent to the proposed clause.

MR. VERNON SMITH

asked if the noble Lord would have any objection to lay on the table of the House before Parliament was prorogued a copy of the Commission directed to the Commissioners for inquiring into the reorganization of the Indian army?

LORD STANLEY

said, that before that time he would take an opportunity to give some explanation of the subject into which the Commission would have to inquire.

Clause negatived.

MR. FAGAN

then proposed the addition of the following Clause:— Whereas by an Act passed in the 37th year of the reign of King George III., chapter 140, it was provided that from and after the passing of that Act no British subject should by himself, or by any other person employed by him, lend, or be concerned in lending, any money to any Native Prince in India; and whereas certain claims against the revenues of the kingdom of Oude in British India, for money advanced by British subjects whose representatives are in England, previous to the passing of that Act, to Nabob Asuf-Ood-Dowlah, the then sovereign of Oude, for the purposes of his government, are still outstanding; and whereas the kingdom of Oude was on the 1st of January, 1856, annexed to the territories of the East India Companies, and it is expedient that such claims should be investigated and adjusted: be it enacted, that it shall be lawful for the Council by and with the consent in writing of the per- son or persons making any such claim as aforesaid, to refer any such claim to the auditor of the accounts of the Council, or other person or persons to be from time to time appointed by the Council, with the approval of the claimant for that purpose, and to direct such referee or referees to investigate such claim and all matters relating thereto; and such referee or referees shall have power to examine any person in Great Britain, who shall appear before him or them in support of such claim, and any person or persons who shall be tendered by or on behalf of such claimant for that purpose, and also any officers and servants in Great Britain of the Council, as he or they may see fit, in relation thereto, and for such purpose, by writing under his or their hand or hands, to summon before him or them any such person or persons, officer, or servants, and also by writing under his or their hand or hands, to require the production of any accounts, books, papers, and documents in Great Britain, relating to such claim, in the possession or power of the said claimant, or of any other person or persons indicated by him, and also any books, papers, and documents in Great Britain, relating to such claim, in the possession or power of the said Council, their officers or servants; and such referee or referees shall report to the Secretary of State his opinion as to the justice and propriety of such claim, with such remarks and observations in relation thereto as he may think fit, and the Secretary of State shall thereupon make such order therein as to him shall seem just and proper, and such order shall be binding and conclusive upon the person or persons making such claim as aforesaid, and upon all persons claiming through or under him or them, He should not have brought forward this clause if he did not believe in the justice of the claims referred to in it. The claim to which he particularly referred was that of Colonel Frith of the Bengal Artillery. It was a claim arising out of the military service of the Company, and by which the East India Company had chiefly benefited. By a treaty signed in 1781 the East India Company undertook to withdraw their own troops from Oude, and to permit the then Vizier of Oude to garrison the country with his own troops, but commanded by a British officer appointed by the Governor General. Colonel Frith received that appointment at a time when the revenues of Oude were in a dilapidated condition. Under these circumstances Colonel Frith, at the instigation of the English Resident at Lucknow, pledged his credit to raise a sum to pay the troops he commanded. In two years £30,000 was admitted by the Resident at Lucknow to be due to Colonel Frith on account of those advances; and this liability was admitted by the Vizier, who gave the Colonel a lien upon the revenues of Oude. There could, therefore, be no doubt of the debt being due. In twelve months after the giving of this lien Colonel Frith was paid £10,000 pounds, and an attempt was made to induce him to settle the remainder of his claim for a wholly inadequate sum. He declined. The then Vizier of Oude died. The regular order of succession was interrupted, and a person whom the East India Company preferred to the heir was raised to the musnud. When he ascended the throne a treaty was signed by which the new Vizier promised to pay the debts of his predecessor. But in the following year that treaty was abrogated. Another was signed, in which the East India Company released the Vizier from the liability to pay his predecessor's debts, and, at the same time, acquired half his territory. He (Mr. Fagan) contended that after thus releasing the Vizier from the liability to pay his predecessor's debts, and at the same time seizing upon a large portion of his territory, the East India Company became morally bound to repay Colonel Frith the advances which he had made to the previous Vizier. The question was whether the tribunal for the settlement of such claims should be the House of Commons, or some authority directly under the Secretary of State. He thought there was great inconvenience in making the House of Commons the tribunal, and, therefore, he made the proposition embodied in the clause.

LORD STANLEY

said, he thought it would be the opinion of the Committee that it would not be desirable for him to go into the details of the question which the hon. Member for Cork had brought under the notice of the Committee. The case was one of very long standing, and one, he (Lord Stanley) believed, of some hardship. It had more than once been debated in that House; but it would be impossible to do justice on either side, unless it were gone into at considerable length. He was quite ready to admit that which he thought would be sufficient for present purposes—namely, that there were various claims, some of which were undoubtedly valid, against the former Government of Oude, and that the transfer of the revenues of Oude to Great Britain did carry with it a liability for such debts of the former Government as were fairly and justly contracted. Following on that first admission must necessarily be the one that it was expedient such claims should be investigated. But then arose two further questions—first, in what manner, and before what tribunal, it was desirable to have them investigated; and next, whether it was desirable to insert anything in respect of their adjustment in the Bill then before the Committee? Now, though the settlement of such debts might be a very important subject, it was one which had no intimate connection with a Bill for the home administration of India. The two questions were in fact entirely unconnected; and he could not think it would be a convenient practice to insert in a Bill which related to one subject clauses which related to another and totally distinct subject. Again, it was quite clear that whatever tribunal it might be advisable to establish for the settlement of a claim such as that which the hon. Member for Cork had spoken of, ought not to be established for the trial of that single case, but should be one before which all cases of this nature might be conveniently and satisfactorily tried. A considerable number of persons had claims against the Government of Oude, and the greater number of these persons were Natives of India. Obviously, then, those claims could best be investigated by a Commission on the spot. Such a Commission it was proposed to appoint. That idea had been entertained by the Government of India, and would, he expected, be carried out without any great delay. Such a tribunal once appointed, to it must be referred all claims against the Government of Oude, whether made by Europeans or Natives; and he did not doubt that the party whose claims the hon. Member for Cork had advocated would be able to have justice done him without the intervention of an Act of Parliament. Under these circumstances, he (Lord Stanley) could not consent to the introduction of the clause proposed by the hon. Member.

MR. BRIGHT

said, he had himself spoken several times on cases of this kind. He had heard, from the predecessors of the noble Lord, declarations, though not so explicit as that of the noble Lord, as to the necessity of a tribunal to try such cases. However, that tribunal had not been established; and the noble Lord had not pledged himself or his Government that it should be. He (Mr. Bright) did not think a Commission would be the most suitable tribunal—he rather thought it should be a tribunal composed of the Indian Judges. He was rather of opinion that the Government of India was afraid that if such a tribunal sat, the claims would be very numerous, and that very large sums of money would have to be re- funded. He believed that the hon. Member for Cork would do well not to press his Motion, but he (Mr. Fagan) was entitled to a pledge on the part of the Government that such a tribunal should without delay be established. The noble Lord might introduce into the Bill then before the Committee a clause for the establishment of this tribunal.

MR. GLADSTONE

rose for the purpose of preventing any inference that the case of those claimants on the old treasury of Oude was one in which great injustice had been done by the East India Company. He (Mr. Gladstone) was bound to express his belief that the claim brought forward by the hon. Member for Cork was not one to which the Government were bound to lend an ear. It was one which had been heard long ago, and resisted by the East India Company. He thought that the resistance of such claims was a most meritorious act on the part of the East India Company. He was averse to the revival of claims against the treasury of India which had been long ago urged, and which ought never to have been put forward.

MR. BRIGHT

had passed no opinion as to the merits of the claim now before the Committee. He had confined himself to saying that there ought to be a tribunal to decide such claims.

MR. FAGAN

said, that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Oxford University seemed to have misunderstood the case which he had brought forward. The case which he had brought under the notice of the Committee was not one of that class to which the right hon. Gentleman referred.

SIR HENRY WILLOUGHBY

agreed with the hon. Member for Birmingham (Mr. Bright) that there ought to be some tribunal to settle these claims.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

MR. GLADSTONE

said, that he would propose the clause of which he had given notice on the bringing up of the Report.

MR. DANBY SEYMOUR

said, he would take the same course in respect of his clause.

Remaining clauses were then agreed to.

The House resumed.

Bill reported; as amended, to be considered To-morrow, and to be printed.