STATE OF INDIA.—OBSERVATIONS. (Hansard, 17 July 1857)

§ MR. DISRAELI
Not having yet contributed to the olio of subjects which have been brought before the House, I hope I shall not be thought to take an extraordinary advantage of the latitude allowed on these occasions, if I now venture to bring forward my share. The 1708 noble Lord at the head of the Government has just told us "our days are numbered," but I may remind the House that if our days are numbered our duties at this moment are multiplied. I really think the House would abdicate its functions and place itself, as regards the country, in a most ignominious position, if it allowed this Session to close without a discussion in this House on the present state of India. I think it is one of our first duties to consider the present condition of our Indian empire, I understood the noble Lord the other night, when he proposed to place some papers on the table, to say that he did not suppose that any hon. Gentleman could possibly wish to discuss the important question of the state of India without first reading those papers. Now, I was told last night by a Minister peculiarly responsible for the production of those papers that, so far as the narrative was concerned, those papers were ready and would be laid on the table this evening, but with respect to the other papers some delay would occur in their production. Now, I understand the delay is, or may be, occasioned by the following reason:—There was a wish expressed on my part, and I believe it was very generally the sentiment of the House, that the papers should not be confined to a mere narrative, but that the despatches should be placed on the table which had been written nine or twelve months previous to the occurrence of the recent events in India, so that we might be put in possession of the Reports of the Indian Government with respect to the state of that country at a time considerably before the late occurrences. We were informed by the Minister that no warnings, the rumour of which was freely circulated, had ever been given by the Indian authorities to Her Majesty's Ministers, and I am led to believe, from what reaches me, that the Ministers at this moment are studiously searching their offices for these warnings, of which there had been a rumour, and until they should be discovered, or until all the papers in the possession of the Ministers should be investigated, we shall not be in a position, according to the view of the noble Lord's declaration, to enter on this important discussion. The House will see, especially in the month of July, that when there is on the part of the Government a search for papers which are to prove a negative, that search may be of considerable length, and it is not at all impossible that the 1709 House may at the last hour of the Session be informed that it has been fruitless. I for one made no charge against the Government that they had disregarded warnings which had been addressed to them by functionaries in India. I only wished, as everybody would wish, that as rumours of these reports having been circulated, the Government should inform us whether they received them. It is to me a matter of no importance whether they received these warnings or not; and therefore I trust that, as there will be placed on the table to-night papers which give as much information respecting recent occurrences as Her Majesty's Ministers think necessary—I will not say for the justification, but for the explanation of their conduct and the illustration of the course of affairs, the noble Lord will see the advantage to the country, to the Government, and to Parliament, of appointing an early day on which the attention of this House may be called to the state of our Indian empire at the present moment. The noble Lord the Member for the City of London, spoke rather deridingly the other evening of my observation, that we wanted some information as to the cause of these occurrences. "I am of opinion," said the noble Lord, "that what we want is not information as to the cause of these occurrences; what we want to know is whether the Government contemplate the use of means sufficient to put an end to these disasters." With great deference to the noble Member for London I maintain that it is totally impossible that we can form an opinion as to the sufficiency of the measures adopted by the Government to encounter these great contingencies, unless we have some general idea of the cause of their occurrence. Why, we were told last night that these extraordinary events have been occasioned by a sudden impulse of the soldiery, arising out of some superstitious feeling. If that be the true view of the case, and it is the view of the Cabinet, I can easily understand that measures of a very energetic, but, comparatively speaking, superficial character may be competent to encounter the difficulties which meet us; but if the cause be deeper, if it be one of longer standing, if, instead of being the sudden impulse of a disaffected or affrighted soldiery, this is the result of an organized conspiracy in a nation of immense population, then it may be that the means which the Government propose to adopt are not adequate to the greater cause; and therefore I say that in 1710 discussing this question, which I trust we shall all approach with the calmness which so great a subject requires, we must take a wider view of what is the duty of the House of Commons than merely to ask the Government how many regiments and how many ships they are going to send out to put an end to these disasters. Now, Sir, I should propose on the earliest occasion which is consistent with due notice, and, of course, with the convenience of the Government, to ask the House to consider the present condition of our Indian empire with these two objects—to arrive before the prorogation at some general conclusion as to the causes of these great calamities, and to ascertain whether the means used by the Government are adequate to the occasion. I believe that these are two great duties of Parliament, and I am sure that, to use an Indian phrase, we shall, indeed, lose caste with our country if we shrink from a discussion of that kind. I should hope that in a few days these papers will not only be upon the table, but will be in the hands of hon. Members, and may be well digested; and what I now propose to the noble Lord is that he should fix as early a day as convenient on which this subject may be brought forward. I shall on that occasion make a Motion—a Motion of course not conceived in any spirit of hostility to Her Majesty's Government, or intended to obtain a party triumph, or to occasion party inconvenience to the Ministry, but having for its object to place before the House the ideas which have occurred to myself and to others upon this subject, and to permit hon. Members generally to offer their opinions upon the gravest and most momentous events which have occurred in our time. If the noble Lord will consent that on this day week I shall call attention to the state of our Indian empire, that will, I should think, be convenient to the House—it will be that which the country expects, it will give ample notice to hon. Gentlemen who may be absent, and will, I should imagine, fairly consult the convenience of the Government. If the noble Lord accedes to this suggestion, I shall on this day week call the attention of the House to the condition of our Indian empire.

§ VISCOUNT PALMERSTON
I am quite ready to admit the position which the right hon. Gentleman has laid down, that it will be expected by the country that this House shall, before it separates, seriously give its attention to the state of affairs in India, 1711 At the same time, as I stated on a former occasion, I should think that the House would wish to have an opportunity of reading the papers before the debate comes on. These papers will be ready in a very few days. My right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Control has been looking through them, and I think he will without difficulty be able to make a selection which shall go back for such a period as will give all the information which may be required. The right hon. Gentleman proposes to bring forward the subject on Friday next, but I would submit to him this consideration. The probability is that about the end of next week we shall have another mail for India. That mail cannot fail to bring intelligence of considerable importance, especially with regard to the occupation of Delhi, and I would, therefore, submit to the right hon. Gentleman whether Monday week would not be a better day than Friday, and whether it is not likely that on that day the House will have fresh intelligence, which may have a very considerable bearing upon the consideration of this question. If that day suit him we will take care that Monday week shall be free.

§ MR. DISRAELI
I accept the offer of the noble Lord, and quite acknowledge the expediency of waiting for fresh intelligence if it arrive in reasonable time. Probably it may reach us before the day named, and, therefore, we will understand that on Monday week this question will be introduced to the consideration of the House.

§ MR. ROEBUCK
The right hon. Gentleman gives us to understand that he will propose certain Resolutions,—will he inform us whether they will be laid upon the table some time before he moves them?

§ MR. DISRAELI
At the present moment I do not wish to bind myself as to the form of my Resolution, which will not be such as to require that it should be laid on the table before it is considered. My original intention was to move for papers, which I thought might probably not be presented by the Government, and to offer reasons why they should be given. After what has occurred it is not impossible that they may appear, and until the papers are produced I must excuse myself from placing any Resolution upon the table.

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER
said that he wished to state, in reply to the question put to him by the hon. Member for Swansea, (Mr. Dillwyn) 1712 at an earlier period of the evening, that an arrangement had been made by the Inland Revenue Department with the manufacturer of this article, that he should continue its manufacture until it was decided whether or not it was liable to duty, he entering into conditions to pay the duty in case the decision was against him.