HC Deb 09 May 1856 vol 142 cc262-4

MR. T. DUNCOMBE rose, in pursuance of notice, to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, in consequence of the numerous memorials presented at different times in favour of a full and free pardon to Messrs. Frost, Williams, Jones, Smith O'Brien, and other political prisoners, whose conduct during exile has been without reproach, it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government, on the celebration of peace, to advise Her Majesty to comply with the prayer of those memorials, and thereby enable those exiles to return to their native land? The hon. Member said he perceived by a notice in a morning paper to-day that the Government had anticipated his notice and his question, and that Her Majesty would graciously extend pardon to all political offenders. He confessed that after the kind and generous manner in which the notice was received by the House a week ago, he expected Her Majesty's Ministers would not hesitate to grant this amnesty. The French Government had offered a similar amnesty to political offenders, and an amnesty was offered by an article of the Treaty of Paris to all persons compromised in the late war, even deserters. Surely, if there were a set of miscreants who deserve no sympathy or pardon, it must be those who abandoned the cause which they were paid to support, and, by treacherously furnishing information to the enemy, imperilled the lives of those companions in arms with whom it should have been their pride to share all the dangers of the campaign. He confessed he thought it impossible any Government could, under these circumstances, resist giving an amnesty to men who had conducted themselves as Frost, Williams, and Jones, and also Smith O'Brien had done. There was a class of political offenders who deserved no consideration—those who had broken their parole and fled to a foreign country; and he understood those persons would not be included in this pardon. But he trusted all other political offenders would be included in the amnesty, and he was quite satisfied Her Majesty's Government could do nothing more acceptable to the industrious classes, both of Ireland and England, and particularly of the large towns, than pardon Frost, Williams, and Jones, and also Smith O'Brien and others convicted with him, because—whether rightly or wrongly he would not discuss—the great mass of the industrious population did believe that these misguided men were suffering from their over zeal in endeavouring to ameliorate the condition and extend the political rights of their fellow-countrymen. It was gratifying to him to know that this amnesty would be granted, because for some years he continually felt it his duty to ask in that House for the amnesty to those very men; it must be a gratification to those Gentlemen, some of whom now belonged to Her Majesty's Government, who voted with him; it must be a gratification to the right hon. Member for Buckinghamshire (Mr. Disraeli), who, to his honour, voted in favour of the pardon of Frost, Williams, and Jones. But there was one distinguished individual to whom, above all others, it must be a still greater gratification, as to him were those men indebted principally for their very existence—he meant Lord Brougham. It would be in the recollection of many Members that two of the Judges who tried Frost, Williams, and Jones were in favour of an acquittal, and were of opinion that the objection of Sir Frederick Pollock was good. An appeal was made, Nine to six of the Judges were agreed that the objection was good; but nine to six came to the conclusion that it was made too late. Notwithstanding the great minority, the Administration of Lord Melbourne determined to execute these men. At the eleventh hour, when the scaffold was waiting for its victims, when the axe was actually in the hands of the executioner, Lord Brougham, by his remonstrances and entreaties, succeeded in obtaining a relaxation of the sentence; and at the eleventh hour the Government ordered a respite. It must be gratifying to Lord Brougham to find, not only that these men survived through his exertions, but that in their exile they had conducted themselves in a manner which entitled them to the Royal clemency. To no act of his life, whether as a vindication of the law, or as an effort of humanity, would that distinguished man look back with more pride and satisfaction than to his vindication of the law and of humanity on this occasion. He rejoiced that this amnesty was to take place upon the anniversary of Her Majesty's birthday. The joy of all classes at pardon being extended to political offenders would not detract from, but rather add to, the brilliancy and lustre of the demonstration which they were told was to be made on that day in celebration of the peace—a peace which, though many differed as to some of the terms, all were agreed in the desire that it should last for many succeeding generations, and tend to promote good feeling and civilisation in every nation throughout the world. It was hardly necessary to put the question of which he had given notice, but he hoped the noble Lord would confirm what they had all read with so much pleasure.

VISCOUNT PALMERSTON

said, he must request the indulgence of the House, as it was against rule for him to speak again after moving the adjournment. He had great pleasure in stating to his hon. Friend and to the House, that the announcement which had appeared in the papers this morning was entirely and perfectly true. Her Majesty, following the impulses and dictates of those generous feelings by which She was so eminently distinguished, had determined to take advantage of the return of peace, and of the unexampled loyalty which prevailed from one end of her dominions to the other, to do an act of grace and clemency towards all persons under sentence for political offences, with the exception of those unhappy men who had broken all the ties of honour and fled from their place of banishment. The amnesty would be general, and would include Mr. Smith O'Brien, Mr. Martin, and those others who had been referred to by his hon. Friend.