§ MR. LAINGsaid, he rose to ask for some explanation as to the intention of Her Majesty's Government of sending troops to Canada. There had been some days back an announcement in The Times newspaper that it was the intention of the Government to send 10,000 men to Canada, and there was an article in that paper assigning certain reasons for that line of policy; and on the same evening, in answer to a question which had been put in another place, Lord Panmure gave a different version of the matter. Lord Panmure stated that the sole intention of 1537 the Government was merely to send back to Canada those regiments and munitions of war which had been drawn from that colony under the temporary exigencies of the war, and thus to restore things to the same condition in which they were before the war broke out. Now, most assuredly, in his opinion, some further explanation was necessary, in order that the public should be fully informed as to what was intended, because it had not always been proved that the information of the War Department was better than that of the press. Taking, however, the statement of Lord Panmure to be perfectly correct, some further explanation was still necessary, because the troops were withdrawn from Canada, it was his belief, in accordance with the new system of colonial policy, and not to meet a temporary emergency. When the troops were withdrawn, it was said that the measures which had been passed, giving to the colonists power of self-government, would enable a portion of the British troops to be withdrawn from the colonies, and that our army being kept together, instead of being scattered over the world, it would obtain greater efficiency. He wished to know whether or not it was now intended to depart from that principle? and if it were intended to do so the present time, he considered, was most ill-chosen for the experiment. He could not imagine anything more mischievous, or more calculated to prevent the relations of this country with the United States becoming of a more friendly character, than anything which could be construed into a threat. The sound sense of the inhabitants of the United States was decidedly in favour of a good understanding with Great Britain; but the Americans possessed a high spirit, and were extremely susceptible; and he did not know any people in the world less likely to be coerced by a threat. The West Indian squadron had been increased, and what was the result? Why, in the American Senate £1,000,000 of money was immediately voted for an increase of naval armaments, and if troops were now sent to Canada the United States would immediately increase their military power, and so the two countries would go on in the endeavour to outrival each other at a most ruinous expense to both. There was another point to which he wished to refer. It had been reported that it was the intention of the Government to land a body of troops at Costa Rica to act against General 1538 Walker, and he wished to be informed if there was any truth in that report?
§ VISCOUNT PALMERSTONI must say, Sir, I am not aware of that similarity and rivalry of official authorities to which the hon. Gentleman has referred—namely, the War Department on the one side, and the newspapers on the other. Whatever is stated by the War Department the hon. Gentleman may take to be true. What is stated in the newspapers he must judge of according to the best of his ability. All I mean to say is, the Government will not undertake the responsibility of whatever is published through channels of that kind. With regard to the alarm which the hon. Gentleman has stated to exist, founded upon these rumours, coming through those left-handed official sources to which I have referred, I really cannot understand upon what foundation any such alarm can be felt. My hon. Friend stated that he understands 10,000 men are to be sent to the British North American provinces. In the first place, that is a gross exaggeration. But I am not aware, even if that number were going, that any man in his senses could imagine that that force was intended to attempt an invasion of the United States. No man who is at all aware of the magnitude, the population, the resources, the public spirit, the warlike spirit of the United States, will seriously dream that, with a force of 10,000 men, any portion of their territories could be invaded. It is well known that when the war began, our army being on a very low peace establishment, it became necessary to resort to every possible means and to every possible quarter for the purpose of rapidly augmenting the force of our army in the East, and among other expedients resorted to was that of stripping our North American provinces of almost every regular soldier that was there. The war being fortunately ended, and the army being now at our disposal, it is our intention to send back to our North American colonies, not 10,000 men nor 6,000 men, but something approaching 4,000 men, to serve as a basis for the proper defence of the military posts there. [Mr. LAING: The troops are not going to Canada only.] My hon. Friend reminds me—but I think I can hardly be misunderstood—that these troops are going not to Canada only, but to all our wide- extended North American provinces. My hon. Friend says it was understood that these provinces were to be thrown upon their own resources for all possible means 1539 of defence. I can never believe that will be the policy of the Government. I believe it to be a very injudicious policy. It is expecting too much of a population of the description of that which inhabits our colonies in America. You may rely, no doubt, upon the loyalty, upon the attachment, upon the zeal, upon the courage of the population of those colonies; but they are all engaged in occupations of industry in developing the great natural resources of the land they inhabit, and you cannot expect such a population to devote themselves to permanent military duties. An excellent militia they will undoubtedly afford—a militia meeting during a few days in the year to seek military instruction, which, if occasion called them to defend the land of their birth, would turn out and perform military deeds with all the honour, zeal, and courage which belong to the race from which those people are descended. But it is impossible—and I am sure no military man will think it possible—that a force of that kind, so organised, so maintained, can be a sufficient defence to garrison places such as Quebec, unless there be also the foundation of a regular army on which they may rally and support themselves, and which will serve as an example to them in point of discipline and organisation. That is all Her Majesty's Government are about to do, and I really think any person who raises a cry of alarm that we are going to invade the United States, when we are only sending some 3,000 or 4,000 men to occupy the military posts of Quebec and Montreal, is creating an idle speculation, unworthy of serious consideration, and idly trifling with the feelings of the country. That which we are doing I hold to be the duty of a responsible Government to do. Having these valuable provinces, whose loyalty and attachment to this country, whose public spirit and devotion to the general interests of the empire it is impossible too highly to praise, it is the duty of a responsible Government, I maintain, not to leave those colonies without some foundation for the military support of the defensive militia which they are now occupied in forming, and which, no doubt, will do honour to them, as well as be advantageous to the mother-country. Then my hon. Friend asks whether we are going to land 10,000 men—10,000 more men, I suppose—at Costa Rica. I can assure him, if he has seen that report in any quarter whatever, it has not yet come to my cars, and he may rely 1540 upon it that it is entirely without foundation, and should, it be repeated, my hon. Friend can contradict it upon my authority.