§ MR. LAYARDBefore the noble Lord answers the remarks made by the hon. Member for West Surrey, he will perhaps allow me to ask a question on a subject of great importance. It is now some days since the noble Lord the Member for Tiverton (Viscount Palmerston) requested me to postpone a Motion of which I had given notice, in consequence of negotiations being then in progress. It is understood that those negotiations consisted of a joint proposal from this country and France to the Government of Russia. I consented to the request of the noble Lord, and it will be in the recollection of the House that he promised to give me an early day for bringing the subject forward. I have since that time been given to understand that the noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs (the Earl of Clarendon), it another place, has stated that he will be prepared in the course of a few days, whether these proposals have been accepted or not, to lay before Parliament all the papers connected with this subject. During the last fortnight events of very great importance have taken place in the East of Europe. I will venture to state that, in the whole history of the intercourse of nations, acts so unjustifiable, so outrageous, sc dangerous as those which have been committed within the last three months, have never before been committed in Europe, The Government of Russia has sent a 648 large body of troops into the provinces of Wallachia and Moldavia; and not only have they taken military possession of those provinces, but they have assumed a great part of the civil administration of those provinces; and not only are they occupied in fortifying the principal towns, but even military stations on the Danube. Moreover, communications of a very insulting character have been addressed, not only to Turkey, but, I think this House will agree with me when I say, to this country also, and that those communications have been put forward in a manner totally unprecedented in diplomacy, and in a most offensive manner. A kind of crusade has been preached in Russia; and that event has been celebrated in the most public manner, not in Russia alone, because we learn that a crusade against a neighbouring Power, characterising it in the most offensive terms as "infidel," has been preached in the very provinces of that Power, and that the prince of one of those provinces has been required to attend a public ceremony to return thanks for this crusade against his own Sovereign and suzerain. What has been the consequence of these acts? The Power against which these proceedings have been taken, has been put to great expense. Not only have her resources been exhausted, but she has been obliged to call to her aid the very labourers from her fields, those on whom the population depend for subsistence. It is known from the best authorities that there is great danger of a general outbreak in Turkey, and that it may occur at any moment. I presume that the acts to which I have alluded, which outrage the public laws of Europe, which are calculated to put an end to all those treaties on which the system of Europe is founded, and by which its peace may be trampled under foot, merit the serious attention of the Government. I say advisedly that there is scarcely a weak State in Europe which does not contemplate with alarm the present course of events. That which has occurred to-day may happen again to-morrow; and, following the same course, any powerful State may, on the same terms, annex any neighbouring State weaker than itself. We are told, forsooth, that these outrageous acts are merely negotiations. I presume that Her Majesty's Government, although evincing a laudable desire to maintain the peace of Europe, and although ready to make every sacrifice for the preservation of that peace, have never- 649 theless made an unqualified and energetic protest against acts like these, and have taken means to prevent them being viewed as precedents in similar cases hereafter; and I think it would be but an act of justice to this country and to Europe at large, that these protests should be placed before the public, and that they may have the opportunity of judging whether they are adequate to the great importance of the subject, and are such as we as a nation ought to have made; and I must say that, if, unfortunately, such protests have not been made, those Members of this House who think as I do should have the opportunity of registering a solemn protest against a policy which would, in that case, be inconsistent with the dignity, the honour, and the interests of this country, and, moreover, I will venture to say, dangerous to the existence, not only of Turkey, but of every weak State on the continent of Europe. Every hour's delay at this time increases the opportunity of Russia. We know what has passed. We know how far we can rely on the assurance she has given us. We know how far we can rely on assurances which have been still more lately given, and which show us that Russia is not disinclined to take advantage of the propositions which have been submitted to her consideration. Let the House remember, that if these negotiations can only be prolonged for a few months, our fleets will be compelled either to violate a treaty, the violation of which Russia has declared would be a casus belli, or to return to their winter anchorage at Malta. We find that for several reasons Russia will not leave the principalities she has occupied. We are told by an organ that is not supposed to be altogether unconnected with the Russian Government, that Russia having made a nine months' contract for provisions will not leave the principalities, at all events, before the expiry of that period; and it has also been insinuated that she will not then quit the principalities until she has been paid the expenses of the invasion. Such a demand reminds me of the old eastern custom, where a great man, after compelling a village to furnish provisions, makes the inhabitants pay him a sum of money for the wear and tear of his teeth in chewing them. Under these circumstances, I think Her Majesty's Government ought to be prepared to lay on the table, in sufficient time before the close of the Session, those papers which may give the public an 650 opportunity of forming an accurate opinion on this question; and I must request the noble Lord to appoint a day—either this day week, or, if more convenient to him, Monday week, which will be a whole month from the time the subject was brought forward—or the discussion of this momentous question.
§ LORD JOHN RUSSELLBefore I advert to the question put by the hon. Member for West Surrey, I will state what has been our course of proceeding with respect to that very interesting and important question to which the hon. Member for Aylesbury has invited the attention of the House. The House will recollect that at an early period, in answer to questions put to me on this subject, I stated that demands had been made by Prince Menschikoff upon the Government of Turkey, which in the opinion of that Government, and in the opinion of her allies, England and France—were inconsistent with the independence of Turkey. At a later period, I stated, in reply to another question, that Her Majesty's fleet had been ordered to leave Malta, and to proceed to Besika Bay, in the neighbourhood of the Straits of the Dardanelles. The hon. Gentleman speaks of negotiations. That proceeding hardly comes under the designation of a negotiation. It was intended as a proof, and is a proof, how much Her Majesty has at heart the independence and integrity of the Turkish dominions. But when the hon. Gentleman complains that papers have not been laid on the table, and that this House is not in a situation to express an opinion on the course of proceeding adopted by Her Majesty's Government, I must say that I think, of all preparations for war, the best is to exhaust every means to obtain peace—that it is not until all the means of negotiation have been tried and have failed, that any Ministers would be justified in placing at hazard that peace which has happily continued for so many years, and by which the prosperity, the wealth, the commerce, and the liberties of Europe have been so largely promoted. If this is the case, I think the House will agree at once that while these negotiations are carried on, they can be better carried on from Government to Government than by laying all the papers connected with such negotiations before a popular assembly, and exposing to popular debate the matters involved in them. In so saying I have no doubt I ask much from the indulgence of the House—I have asked much 651 from the confidence of the House. But I ask it on no party ground. I do not ask it of one party rather than the other; but I ask it in full reliance on the patriotism of this House, and on considerations which this House will always give to those persons who happen, at the moment, to be the Ministers of the Crown. I have only to add, that these negotiations, so far from having been brought to a close, have hardly had a commencement at St. Petersburg. Considering the distance—the necessity of applying at Constantinople to ascertain the opinions and the wishes of the Turkish Government—the communications that must necessarily take place between France and this country, and the distance, again, to be traversed in conveying communications to St. Petersburg—I think the House will not wonder that these negotiations are not in a state to be laid before the House. My noble Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs has declared elsewhere that as soon as his public duty will permit, he will lay all the necessary papers before Parliament. I know that there may be some disadvantage in not making known to the world the document that has been drawn up in protest or answer to papers which have been rather ostentatiously circulated throughout Europe. A despatch written by M. Drouyn de Lhuys has, however, appeared in print—a most able State paper, containing very convincing reasons, stating facts which undoubtedly weaken, if they do not altogether do away with, the assertions in the State paper to which it is an answer. Had it been the custom and usage in this country to give papers separately, the present Government would have been happy to produce at once the despatch of Lord Clarendon on the same subject, in which he has used a similar line of argument. But in conformity with the usage always adopted by Parliament, we think it right to reserve that paper until all the papers can be laid before Parliament. For my own part I entirely agree with what was stated at a time when I was absent from the House, by my noble Friend the Secretary for the Home Department. We are ready to rely upon the forbearance of this House, so long as forbearance can properly be given. If we were unhappily to find that these negotiations could not be terminated honourably and satisfactorily for peace, we should as confidently rely on the patriotism of this House, and its determination to support the honour and dignity of,' this country. I will only say further that the con- 652 duct of the Emperor of the French, and of his Government, has been entirely in accordance with that of Her Majesty, and of Her Majesty's Government, and that the two Powers are united to maintain the faith of treaties—to preserve, if possible, the peace of Europe—to preserve it with the honour of both countries unsullied—to preserve it with the view of maintaining the happiness of Europe and the peace of Europe.
§ MR. LAYARDWhat, as to a day?
§ LORD JOHN RUSSELLI think after what I have stated, the hon. Gentleman cannot expect me to name any particular time. It is not my intention to enter into the question which has been raised by the hon. Member for West Surrey (Mr. Drummond), as to the propriety of our sitting in winter, and having our holiday in summer. For my own part, I am one of those who agree with him. But whenever the House has met in the autumn, as it did last year, I certainly think our sittings in summer have not been much shortened. I think it is possible that another year—I will not say next year—we may be able to finish our Session at the end of June or the beginning of July, and in that case we might, if necessary, make arrangements for an autumn Session.