SUPPLY—FOREIGN POLICY. (Hansard, 24 May 1850)

§ MR. B. COCHRANE
said, he could not allow one Supply night to pass without expressing to the House the conviction which had been impressed upon him during his recent stay abroad of the universal feeling of hostility with which this country was now regarded in every part of the 316 Continent. He felt bound to take the earliest opportunity of stating that conviction, and he was not only satisfied of the prevalence of those hostile feelings by what he had seen and heard, but he had received letters since his return which bore evidence to the same effect. Having frequently addressed the House on the subject of Greece, he was in communication with persons there, and they had written to him to say the universal feeling was, that Greece was ruined by the policy of the noble Lord at the head of Foreign Affairs. He had formerly concurred in the views expressed by the noble Lord with respect to that country. He always understood it was the noble Lord's intention to act in favour of the people against the tyranny by which they were oppressed; but the result of the noble Lord's policy had been that the King of Greece was triumphant. Let the House be aware of that fact. The game of the King had been played by the noble Lord, and the country was ruined! The King was not at all affected by the policy which had been pursued, but the kingdom of Greece was deeply injured, and the revenue would be diminished nearly one-half by the measures the noble Lord had adopted against her. Turning from Greece to the other countries of Europe, he could assure the House, as one recently coming from them, that it was perfectly painful to listen to the feelings expressed against this country. He wanted to have some explanation of the policy which injured us so materially in the opinion of all, and so diminished our influence. The noble Lord should say what his intentions were when he sent Lord Minto into Italy—when he revolutionised every kingdom there—Naples, Rome, Tuscany, Piedmont. When Lord Minto upheld the revolutionary party in every one of those countries, they were told it was for the sake of giving free institutions to the people, and that England should exercise her just influence on Italy. Good God! what had been the result? Where was the influence of England now? She had none—none whatever. Where were the liberal institutions of which they had heard? Why, the policy of the noble Lord had overthrown every chance of liberal institutions and of free government in those countries. He had rendered them unfit for it. He wished some person with a higher position in the House had taken up these questions; but the House would pardon him, as one who 317 had had the privilege of communicating I freely with persons thoroughly informed upon such matters, for stating what he had heard and learned. He would refrain from touching on the recent misunderstanding with France, but, taking the broad facts of the case, he would ask, had not France been our sole remaining ally? "France and England against the world" was the maxim of Napoleon. The noble Lord had now lost France, and we stood isolated among the nations of Europe without a single ally and without one friendly Power. Such was the result of the policy carried out by the noble Lord. If, as he sincerely hoped, notwithstanding the apathy which prevailed here on foreign questions, the consideration of our foreign policy was brought forward as it ought to be, he would be prepared to show that every one of the complaints against the noble Lord was well founded, and that he was not wrong in stating our policy had revolutionised Italy. It was disgraceful to the House that these questions were not brought forward and properly discussed. He was anxious they should know from an eye-witness, and from one who had only that day received letters from abroad, what had been the melancholy and hopeless result of the noble Lord's policy. It was notorious the result of the noble Lord's upholding revolutionary opinions in other countries must be disturbances throughout Europe: and all the excuse the noble Lord could make was, that while all other countries had been revolutionised, England had remained firm. He (Mr. Cochrane) had hoped a more generous feeling would prevail in this country, and that the effect of England's remaining firm would have been to induce the noble Lord to extend to other countries a more generous and noble policy. If we were in such a prosperous condition—thanks to the high moral feelings of the people of this country—was it noble, generous, or just, to send agents into other countries to disseminate republican doctrines? The noble Lord said last night that we must be prepared to recognise any Government in France; and indeed his policy led him (Mr. Cochrane) to think that the Government the noble Lord would most readily recognise would be a Government which he hoped they never would see in France, and one which this country ought never directly or indirectly, to sanction—the government of such men as Barbés and Sobrier. In every country of Europe they 318 looked to the noble Lord as the supporter of republican opinions—in every country they regarded the intervention of Lord Palmerston and the mission of Lord Minto as the source of revolutions. At a future day he hoped some hon. Member, of a position which would secure his representations due weight with the House, would bring forward the whole question of our foreign policy fully, distinctly, unhesitatingly, and uncompromisingly. It was not a case of mere party, nor was it to be met by frivolous explanations. The question could be evaded no longer, for it had now become a matter of necessity that our foreign policy should receive more marked attention than the House had hitherto bestowed on it. It was not right for the House to say constantly "Oh, we don't care for foreign affairs—they are nothing to us." He had not attempted to enter fully into these questions; he would wait until the subject was formally brought forward, and then prove all his assertions. Foreign affairs would one day compel the House to attend to them, and it would then be found that the course which had been followed respecting them was involving our own most vital interests, as he believed it had already deeply compromised our national honour and our national integrity.

§ VISCOUNT PALMERSTON
I will not follow the hon. Gentleman into all the topics on which he has touched on a Motion for going into a Committee of Supply. I can only say that what I have just heard from the hon. Gentleman leads me in some degree to alter an opinion very prevalent in this country, and which I have entertained, that it is desirable English gentlemen should travel abroad in order fully to understand foreign affairs. It certainly appears to me that the hon. Gentleman was quite as good a judge of our foreign affairs before he went abroad. I only wish to deny totally the assertions he has so broadly and deeply made with respect to the effect of Lord Minto's mission to Italy. The hon. Gentleman having been abroad has not had time to read the papers at home—[Mr. B. COCHRANE: I have read them all]—and I can only recommend him, if he has any leisure time to spare, to read the blue books which have been produced respecting Italy. [Mr. B. COCHRANE: I have read the whole of them.] Then I am sorry that the hon. Gentleman has so misspent his time, that these documents make so little impression on his mind. The mission of Lord Minto was neither intended 319 to produce revolution in Italy, nor was it followed by that effect. It had a totally different object in view. Lord Minto was sent to Italy to give to those Governments which might wish to have it, the opinion of the Government of this country with respect to carrying out temperate and moderate reforms which might save them from revolution; and I must say my opinion is, that if the advice which Lord Minto was instructed to give, when asked for, but not unsolicited, had been in all cases followed, many disasters which the hon. Gentleman deplores would not have taken place. The country which first asked Lord Minto's advice, and followed it, was the kingdom of Sardinia; and it was a proud proof of the soundness of the advice of my noble Friend that the kingdom of Sardinia was one of the few States which now afforded an example of tranquillity, order, and constitutional liberty.

§ LORD C. HAMILTON
wished very much that the noble Lord would tell them whether it was in consequence of Lord Minto's advice that the kingdom of Sardinia had twice broken through solemn treaties, and twice had marched her armies into the dominions of Austria? Had those aggressions, which had been attended with the most disastrous consequences to Sardinia, so that her capital would have been hostilely occupied but for the clemency and liberality of the assailed party, been in accordance with Lord Minto's advice? If so, the present condition of Sardinia certainly depended more on the forbearance of Austria, than on any efforts of the noble Lord's policy.

§ VISCOUNT PALMERSTON
So far from the aggressions of Sardinia on the Lombard territory of Austria having been the result of any advice of Her Majesty's Government, the papers prove that this Government remonstrated repeatedly, in the strongest possible manner, against those proceedings.