HC Deb 13 March 1850 vol 109 cc838-50

Libraries and Museums Bills—Order for Second Reading, read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second Time."


, in moving the second reading of this Bill, said, he had already explained its objects in detail on introducing the measure. The simple object of the Bill was to give a permissive power to town councils, to levy a small rate for the establishment of public libraries and museums in all municipal towns. The Bill was founded on the recommendation of a Select Committee which sat last Session, and also on the expressed wishes of several towns which had petitioned Parliament on the subject. An Act called the Museums Act was passed four years ago, enabling town councils in towns having a population of 10,000 inhabitants and upwards to levy a small rate to establish museums of art and science for the benefit of the public; and all that the present Bill proposed was to extend the principle of the Museum Act to the establishment of public libraries also. In asking the House to adopt such a measure, he was backed by the feeling of many of the towns of the country; and since he had introduced it, he had received communications from several large towns in Scotland and Ireland, which were desirous of having the Bill extended to both of those countries as well as to England. He had only to repeat that he was fully prepared to adopt any reasonable amendment when the Bill went into Committee; and as the measure was calculated to afford the working classes in our populous towns proper facilities for the cultivation of their minds, and the refinement of their tastes in science and art, he trusted the House would assent to the principle by agreeing to the second reading.


thought this Bill nothing more nor less than an attempt to impose a general increase of taxation on Her Majesty's subjects; and doubted whether it was legitimate to introduce such a measure, excepting in a Committee of the whole House. He would be happy at any time to contribute his mite towards providing libraries and proper recreations for the humbler classes in large towns; but he thought that, however excellent food for the mind might be, food for the body was what was now most wanted for the people. He did not like reading at all, and he hated it when at Oxford; but he could not Bee how one halfpenny in the pound would be enough to enable town councils to carry into effect the immense powers they were to have by this Bill. He strongly objected to the clause enabling them to borrow money on the credit of the borough rates to carry out the purposes of the Act. He would be very glad, he had said, to give his mite to provide the city of Lincoln with the benefits of a library; but when it was said that giving a few coals to a poor man was corruption, no doubt it would be said, "Oh! what a gross act of bribery to give a few pounds for a public library!" He did not charge the hon. Member for Dumfries with seeking to lay a trap for him and others, but he would have been much more ready to support the hon. Gentleman if he had tried to encourage national industry by keeping out the foreigner. Before going any farther he would take the liberty of asking the right hon. Gentleman at the head of the Home Department whether it was constitutional for a private Member, unconnected with the Government, to introduce a Bill to levy taxes from the Queen's subjects?


did not apprehend there was anything unconstitutional in this Bill with regard to the levying of rates, which it proposed to do under Act of Parliament. Under the present Museums Bill, town councils already had that power; and this measure was merely an extension of the same principle. It was plain that if this Bill was unconstitutional, the Museums Bill must be unconstitutional too. Town councils were constitutional bodies elected by the ratepayers: and he saw no objection to the principle of this measure.


He felt that this Bill would increase the taxation of the people in times when it was not at all necessary; and therefore he moved that the Bill be read a second time this day six months.

Amendment proposed, to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day six months."


approved of the objects of this Bill, but objected to the unjust mode it proposed for carrying them out. The additional taxation which it proposed, at a time when the nation was so generally impoverished, was considered a great grievance by the manufacturing as well as the landed interest of the country; but the burden would fall as heavily on landed property in the precincts of small towns as it would on the ratepayers generally of those towns; while the agricultural classes, by their position, could not participate in any of the advantages of the Bill. Nothing could be more obnoxious than that to the feelings of the landed interest, and, therefore, he most oppose the second reading.


was much surprised at the opposition offered to this Bill, because, in the first place, the measure was entirely permissive; and, secondly, the rate was limited to one halfpenny in the pound. The manner in which the money could be applied was restricted to the erection of or paying rent for a building for holding a public library and a museum. No power was given to lay out the funds in the purchase of books, specimens, or pictures: all these were left to depend on the voluntary contributions of the inhabitants. In the popular boroughs of the country, this was a very popular measure. In the borough with which he was connected (Salford), the town council, acting as the representatives of all the ratepayers, had come forward with the greatest alacrity to provide a building for a public library and museum. The private gifts of the inhabitants had already stocked the museum to a considerable extent; and there had been voluntary contributions made of between 5,000 and 6,000 volumes to the library (which was attended by hundreds every night) in less than six months. He contended that this Bill would provide the cheapest police that could possibly be established; and what was the use of education for the people, unless they were enabled to consult valuable works which they could not purchase for themselves? It was the duty of the House to promote all that had a tendency to bring the higher and the humbler classes together; but this could not be done unless the people had the assistance of those above them.


considered that the hon. Gentleman who had last spoken had satisfactorily proved that it was necessary for the advantage of the people to pass the present Bill, for he had shown that in the large borough which he represented there had been, as in all the other boroughs of the country, a liberal disposition on the part of the wealthy and those in a better station of life to provide the rational means of improvement and enjoyment for their poorer fellow-citizens. But the hon. Gentleman said this Bill would establish a library, and provide chairs, tables, and everything necessary for the enjoyment of a library by a rate; but that it would not enforce the purchase of books from the rates as well. Now he (Mr. Goulburn), as an innocent man, certainly had thought that books always formed part of what was necessary for the enjoyment of a library. He differed also with the right hon. Baronet the Home Secretary with regard to their having already sanctioned the principle of this Bill by adopting the existing Museums Bill. He did not think this Bill would exactly impose a tax on the landed classes: but he feared it would tend to make the poorer inhabitants of boroughs pay extensively for enjoyments of those who were better off than themselves. Because, no doubt, it would be found that a rate of halfpenny in the pound in a small borough would go a very little way after the erection of public buildings for libraries and museums had been completed; and instead of providing those valuable books of reference which the hon. Gentleman thought ought to be placed in a library of this description (and in this he perfectly agreed with him), all that the funds would be able to provide would be the daily and weekly newspapers, and the library would thus become a mere newsroom which only those well-to-do people who had plenty of leisure, and could run into learn the news about the time when the post had just arrived, would be able to avail themselves of, although the poorer ratepayers, who would either have no time for reading, and might live at a considerable distance from the spot, and who yet had to bear their full share of the expense, would be totally deprived of all the advantages of the library which their better circumstanced fellow-townsmen alone enjoyed. That he never could think a just or fair imposition of burdens. But, again, suppose the town council had a small sum to spare for the purchase of books—who was to have the power of selection? Should there be an unrestricted presentation of all those publications daily emanating from the press, which certainly were not calculated to promote the preservation of either public order or public morals? Or was there to be a supervision of the different works to be introduced, thereby establishing a kind of censorship for these public libraries? As long as they were supported by voluntary contributions, no difficulty of this kind could arise; but, for the reasons he had assigned, he thought this Bill to institute public libraries from the borough rates, to which all classes would have to pay equally, whether they derived any benefit or not, a highly unjust and objectionable measure, and therefore he must oppose its second reading.


said, his objection to this Bill rested on a very narrow and limited ground. If it had proposed to give power to town councils on an application to the Treasury from two-thirds or three-fourths of the inhabitants of a town, to be allowed to adopt the principle of the Bill, to tax the general body of the ratepayers for the establishment of libraries and museums, he would not have had so much objection to this measure. But he found fault with it because it would enable any town council desirous of carrying out the views of any small section of the inhabitants to tax the general body of the ratepayers for an institution that might soon degenerate into a mere political club, for which only a few of those who were compelled to contribute for its support had any sympathy. However noble the diffusion of knowledge might be, they should not forget that a halfpenny in the pound, although it might seem to be a very small rate, was really a serious addition to the burden of taxation when it became an annual charge on the poorer classes of the ratepayers. Had the Bill been really permissive, as was alleged, he would not have opposed it; but it proposed to clothe town councils with imperative powers; and therefore he would support the Amendment.


said, the House ought, of course, to take care what powers it conferred. He entirely approved of the object of the Bill, though he differed from the hon. Member for Dumfries as to the best mode of obtaining it. Had he read the Bill he-fore that day, he would have suggested to the hon. Member the adoption of a principle similar to that which was applicable to the lighting of towns. Were the Bill adopted, he saw no reason why the Daily News and the Times should not he provided in the library. Reading led to reflection, and the public benefit was thus generally promoted. In the United States there were ten thousand libraries, and this country would do well in that respect to imitate America. He should vote for the second reading, and his further concurrence would be dependent on a provision requiring the concurrence of two-thirds of the ratepayers.


said, any one who had road the evidence would see how great the desire was on the part of the middling and lower classes, especially in boroughs, for access to libraries, and the means of acquiring useful information; and he should much regret that some means of gratifying that desire should not be adopted. There were two questions before the House:—1st, whether the law which gave to town councils the power of making an assessment for the purpose of museums should extend to libraries; and, secondly, whether it should also extend to boroughs not at present included in the Act. With regard to the first question, he thought that libraries were at least as useful as museums; and, in reply to the second, he thought that provisions might be introduced in Committee amply to protect the ratepayers, especially if confined to boroughs with not less than a certain amount of population.


was surprised to hear the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department assent to the second reading of this Bill after his continued opposition to the repeal of what was erroneously called the law of mortmain. Why were not schools, hospitals, and churches, to receive the same benefit as the proposed Bill gave to libraries and museums? Whenever he (Lord J. Manners) had attempted to obtain the repeal of that Act, he was told that he was either a Papist or a Jesuit. To be sure, the Bill was introduced by a representative from Scotland, and another from Ireland, neither country being subject to that law; but, when the right hon. Baronet gave it his sanction, he thought it was about to be passed through the House without the consideration it deserved. As far as the great principle of the Bill was concerned, no one was more anxious to support it than himself; for his experience of towns led him to wish that in every town not only public museums but public libraries were established; at the same time, the public did view with great suspicion any measure that tended to increase the amount of local taxation. He admitted that the Bill would not tell upon the landed gentry, but it would impose an additional tax upon the agricultural labourers, whose wages had been decreased to the extent of 2s. or 3s. a week by recent legislation. He had himself been desirous to introduce a Bill for providing greens and places of amusement for the public; and he would beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the Government might not think it desirable to bring in a measure which might combine within itself all the valuable suggestions which they had heard in the course of the debate.


said, he was not about to accept the invitation of the noble Lord to discuss the policy of the Government taking up the whole question, for he thought it better for the House to confine themselves at present to the single point brought before them by the hon. Mover. He was inclined to take the same view as the hon. Member for Montrose. It would be most useful if in every good-sized town a well composed library was established, to which all the inhabitants had free access. Every one who had experience in country towns must know that there was a great want of access to good books. That was the case with regard to boroughs; but in some parishes much improvement had been effected by the establishment of local libraries. He agreed that it was of much greater importance that there should be a good library than a museum. Nothing, he believed, could be more visionary than the fear that these libraries would be filled with novels and the worst description of publications—bad and useless as literature—or that they would be mere receptacles for newspapers. Why should such distrust be entertained of the discretion of the town councils, who, he conceived, could be as safely trusted with the management of this as of other matters placed under their control. The question was of considerable importance, and one in which all classes were interested; and he confessed he did not think these libraries could lead to those consequences which some hon. Gentlemen who opposed the measure appeared to apprehend. For his own part he wished for the extension of instruction, and that the facilities for the enjoyment of good books were more general, and he believed that the establishment of libraries of this kind would have a good effect in promoting education. The Bill, as it now stood, required, he admitted, very important alteration; but he advised the House to pass the second reading, and those alterations could be considered in Committee. To the principle, however, he gave his cordial approbation. His opinion was, that the libraries should be lending libraries, or their usefulness might be much impeded. He should regret if a measure of this kind should not receive the sanction of the House so far as to pass the second reading.


said, his objection to the Bill was, that it gave the town council the power of taxation without consent. Some of the boroughs were of small extent in themselves, but included an immense extent of land, with a scattered and distant population, all of whom might be taxed for the support of an institution they could not possibly use. Moreover, there was something like a false pretence in the Bill; for although the maximum rate was said to be only a halfpenny in the pound, he observed that, by the third clause, it was enacted, that, for the purchase of land—rather an expensive part of the proceedings—it should be lawful for the town council, from time to time, with the approval of the Treasury, to borrow money at interest. But the security for that loan was not to be upon the halfpenny rate, but upon the borough rates. Thus the town council would have the power of borrowing, for the purchase of land and the building of the library, and they would likewise have the power of charging the cost by an addition to the borough rate. Neither he nor those who sat with him had the least objection to the instruction of the people, but they had an objection to taxation being imposed without the consent of parties who were to pay; and he hoped to hear the assurance of the hon. Mover, that he would introduce a clause by which the concurrence of three-fourths of the ratepayers should be obtained before the town council should have the power of imposing a rate.


said, there was evidently great accordance on both sides of the House with regard to the object of the Bill, and he hoped, therefore, that the House would not on account of certain objections, which might be removed, re fuse to read it a second time. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Cambridge seemed to take an entirely erroneous view of the halfpenny rate, which was only intended to apply to the building and furnishing of the library the books being supplied by voluntary contributions. There must be a large concurrence of opinion before any step would be taken. The town council would not borrow 5,000l. to build a library unless they felt satisfied that the wealthier inhabitants would furnish books. He admitted that the borrowing of money on the security of the borough rates would be objectionable; but he thought that if the borrowing were limited to the security of the borough rates, there was not likely to be any excessive expenditure. He would be ashamed of himself and of the House if he supposed that it would be necessary to say a word in favour of the object of the Bill. The right hon. Gentleman seemed particularly afraid that the ratepayers would read the Daily News. He (Mr. Bright) was quite sure that nothing would tend more to the preservation of order than the diffusion of the greatest amount of intelligence, and the prevalence of the most complete and open discussion, amongst all classes; and for that reason he rejoiced that the taxes on knowledge were to be discussed on an early day. He would give his support to the second reading, but on the understanding that the clause proposed by the hon. Member for Rochester be added to the Bill.


observed, that as books, which seemed to be not only the best but most necessary furniture for a library, were left to the chances of voluntary or charitable contributions, the expenses of building and furnishing, for which it was proposed to make a rate, might be supplied from the same source. It would be of no use to establish public libraries if the Ten Hours Bill was not carried out, and factory labourers were prevented availing themselves of such institutions; and he doubted if the measure was really calculated to effect the object which both sides of the House wished to carry out, of providing good libraries well stored with useful books. There was no clause in the Bill stating how the library was to be conducted. The effect would be that farmers and out-residents in a borough who could not use the library would be taxed for its support; he also objected to the principle of taxing a whole community for objects by which only a few would be benefited; and by the institution of lectures hereafter he almost feared that these libraries might be converted into normal schools of agitation. He also anticipated the probability that hereafter there would be a call for increased rates, and that it would be urged that another halfpenny in the pound would not be too much.


thought, that the objections urged against the Bill might be dealt with in Committee. He agreed with the hon. Member for Manchester and others as to the admissibility of giving the ratepayers the option of establishing libraries, &c.; but that was a point of detail. They had now only to deal with the principle to which the House seemed to assent. The hon. Member who spoke last said they should not tax large communities for the benefit of the few. But these libraries were to be established upon the lending system, and if that system were fairly carried out, the hon. Gentleman's objection was at once met. Where libraries had been established on that principle, they had been found highly beneficial to the working classes. Besides, it was not taxing to the extent represented by the hon. Member, because by encouraging habits which kept the working man from the public-house, they lessened the incentives to a dissolute life, and, consequently, to idleness and crime; which cost the country much more than all the libraries they could build under this Bill.


must express his dissent from the proposition that they were all agreed as to the principle of this Bill. That it would be desirable to have good public libraries in all towns, all must admit; but that was not the principle of this Bill. The principle of this Bill was taxation without the consent of the persons to be taxed. According to the principle of the hon. Member for Manchester, this Bill would be totally inefficient for all the purposes for which it was to be introduced; for the hon. Gentleman said, that by passing it they did no more than enable town councils to erect the buildings and to purchase furniture. Why, unless they were possessed of libraries and museums, what town councils would be justified in erecting buildings in anticipation that charitable persons would afterwards present them with books and curiosities? It was evident that the Bill was intended for ulterior objects, by which powers would be given for the purchase of books, and perhaps also for the fitting up of lecture-rooms. He hoped the House would consider well before they applied to institutions of this nature the principles of public management, and compulsory rating instead of the voluntary and self-supporting principle, which he believed to be the life and essence, and the cause of the utility, of such institutions. He questioned whether what they were about to do would increase the love of knowledge amongst those who never entered upon the subject voluntarily, and he was most apprehensive that the moment the compulsory principle was introduced, a positive check would be imposed upon the voluntary self-supporting desire for knowledge which at present existed amongst the people. On these grounds, most truly desirous to see learning extended, and valuing as much as possible good public libraries; yet, as he intended to take his stand against the substitution of the compulsory for the voluntary principle in all matters of education, and viewing this measure in connexion with others on the same subject, he should certainly divide against it.


contended that the real principle of this Bill was not the establishment of public libraries. The only power given to the town council under it was to raise a tax for the purpose of constructing empty rooms, which might, indeed, have the potentiality of receiving books; but the books, if any, would have to be paid for, not from the halfpenny, but from the borough rates. The machinery was clearly adapted, not merely for the purpose of procuring books, but also of creating lecture rooms, which might give rise to an unhealthy agitation. Under these circumstances he thought it his duty not to consent to the second reading.


observed that, in the expectation of this Bill passing, twelve gentlemen had come forward with a subscription of 100l. in order to establish a public library. He believed that in all towns the Bill would prove of the greatest utility, by the improvement in the morality of the public to which it would lead. He should, therefore, have the greatest pleasure in supporting it.


was of a similar opinion. He also regarded it in the light of an economic question, believing that the improved condition of the people, which it was certain to bring about, would have the effect of immediately diminishing those rates to which the county was subjected on account of crime. He also, in support of this view, referred to an experiment which had been made in a certain manufactory—namely, that of taking twelve women from the educated and twelve from the ordinary class, and setting them to work in the same department, when it was found that the educated twelve produced 30 per cent more work than the others.


thought the object of the measure and the new principle which it introduced were very little known in the country. He thought that a Bill of this nature, which proposed additional taxation, should arise out of some spontaneous movement on the part of the people in its favour. He objected to the Bill, because it would tend to check the efforts of private enterprise in support of mechanics' institutions and the like. He thought, too, that municipal corporations had usually sufficient work on hand without having this additional duty imposed on them,


would also vote against the second reading of the Bill, believing that it was going to do by Act of Parliament what would be more efficiently done by private enterprise. In the boroughs of Ayr and Kilmarnock, and in almost every other borough in Scotland, there were excellent libraries established without any help whatever from that House. He also objected to the Bill, because it would increase the rates of Scotland.


, in reply, said that the hon. Gentleman seemed to forget that this was merely a permissive Bill. He would not at that late hour go into all the objections which had been urged against it, but would only say that existing libraries had been formed on the Museums Act, on the principle of which he had framed the present Bill. The objections urged could not be removed by a short discussion. He would give his careful consideration to all those objections, and endeavour, if possible, to meet them, and render the Bill more popular; but he could not pledge himself to adopt the suggestion of the hon. Member for Somersetshire.


wished to know from the hon. Gentleman whether he would pledge himself to introduce, in Committee, the clause suggested by the hon. Member for Rochester, that before a town council exercised its powers under this Bill, there should be a requisition to them on the subject from a majority of the ratepayers?


had no objection to give that pledge, so far as the principle was concerned; but the precise form of the clause would require to be well considered.


hoped his hon. Friend would reconsider this matter and give a more definite answer, because this point was too important to be left uncertain. He was as anxious as the hon. Member to promote the object in view, but he could not subscribe to the Bill in its present shape.


was not in the House when the hon. Member for Rochester spoke, and was not till this moment aware that he had thrown out a suggestion that there should be some check on the part of the ratepayers upon the improper exercise of the powers of the town councils—a suggestion of which he (Sir G. Grey) highly approved. He understood that his hon. Friend was willing to introduce some such check, and that he only hesitated to pledge himself as to the precise nature of it. He must say that he thought it unreasonable to call upon him to say at that moment what the precise check should be. He thought it sufficient that he promised to submit the point to the consideration of the Committee. In the meantime the question before the House was the principle of the Bill, and not its details, and, in the hope that some check of the kind suggested would be introduced in Committee, he should cordially support the second reading.


observed that the hon. Member for Dumfries had told them he had well considered the question before he had brought forward the Bill, and therefore it must be supposed that this clause had been inserted for good reasons. They must therefore take the Bill as it stood at present. The principle of the Bill was taxation by the municipal council, without the consent of the ratepayers. Upon that principle he should oppose the Bill, unless a specific pledge was given for the insertion of a clause to make the consent of two-thirds of the ratepayers necessary.

Question put, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

The House divided:—Ayes 118; Noes 101: Majority 17.

List of the AYES.
Adderly, C. B. Anderson, A.
Aglionby, H. A. Armstrong, Sir A.
Armstrong, R. B. M'Cullagh, W. T.
Bagshaw, J. Mahon, The O'Gorman
Baines, rt. hon. M. T. Martin, C. W.
Barnard, E. G. Matheson, A.
Bass, M. T. Matheson, Col.
Bellew, R. M. Melgund, Visct.
Birch, Sir T. B. Mitchell, T. A.
Blackall, S. W. Morris, D.
Blake, M. J. Mulgrave, Earl of
Bouverie, hon. E. P. Mure, Col.
Bramston, T. W. Norreys, Lord
Bright, J. Patten, J. W.
Brocklehurst, J. Pechell, Sir G. B.
Brotherton, J. Pelham, hon. D. A.
Brown, W. Pilkington, J.
Campbell, hon. W. F. Pinney, W.
Cavendish, hon. C. C. Power, N.
Chaplin, W. J. Pusey, P.
Childers, J. W. Rawdon, Col.
Clay, J. Reid, Col.
Clay, Sir W. Ricardo, J. L.
Cobbold, J. C. Rice, E. R.
Cobden, R. Romilly, Col.
Cowan, C. Salwey, Col.
Duncan, G. Sandars, G.
Duncuft, J. Scholefield, W.
Dundas, rt. hon. Sir D. Scully, F.
Ebrington, Visct. Seymour, H. K.
Ellis, J. Simeon, J.
Elliot, hon. J. E. Slaney, R. A.
Fagan, W. Smith, J. B.
Foley, J. H. H. Spearman, H. J.
Fordyce, A. D. Stansfield, W. R. C.
Forster, M. Staunton, Sir G. T.
Fortescue, C. Strickland, Sir G.
Fortescue, hon. J.W. Stuart, Lord D.
Gibson, rt. hon. T. M. Stuart, Lord J.
Glyn, G. C. Sullivan, M.
Greenall, G. Tenison, E. K.
Greene, T. Tennent, R. J.
Grenfell, C. P. Thicknesse, R. A.
Grey, rt. hon. Sir G. Thompson, Col.
Grosvenor, Lord R. Thornely, T.
Hall, Sir B. Verney, Sir H.
Hardcastle, J. A. Wall, C. B.
Harris, R. Walmsley, Sir J.
Hastie, A. Wawn, J. T.
Headlam, T. E. Westhead, J. P. B.
Henry, A. Willcox, B. M.
Heywood, J. Williams, J.
Hume, J. Wilson, M.
Jackson, W. Wood, W. P.
Jervis, Sir J. Wrightson, W. B.
Johnstone, Sir J. Wyld, J.
Kershaw, J. Wyvill, M.
Labouchere, rt. hon. H.
Langston, J. H. TELLERS.
Lindsey, hon. Col. Ewart, W.
Lushington, C. Hamilton, G. A.
List of the NOES.
Anstey, T. C. Bremridge, R.
Arkwright, G. Broadley, H.
Arundel and Surrey Earl of Brockman, E. D.
Carew, W. H. P.
Baring, H. B. Cayley, E. S.
Barrington, Visct. Chatterton, Col.
Bennet, P. Clive, H. B.
Beresford, W. Cocks, T. S.
Blair, S. Codrington, Sir W.
Bowles, Adm. Coles, H. B.
Boyle, hon. Col. Deedes, W.
Denison, E. Legh, G. C.
Dodd, G. Lewisham, Visct.
Duckworth, Sir J. T. B. Lygon, hon. Gen.
Duff, G. S. Mackenzie, W. F.
Duncombe, hon. A. Mahon, Visct.
Duncombe, hon. O. Manners, Lord G.
Du Pre, C. G. Manners, Lord J.
Edwards, H. Masterman, J.
Egerton, W. T. Miles, W.
Emlyn, Visct. Morgan, O.
Farnham, E. B. Mullings, J. R.
Farrer, J. Mundy, W.
Fellowes, E. Muntz, G. F.
Forbes, W. Newdegate, C. N.
Frewen, C. H. Oswald, A.
Fuller, A. E. Packe, C. W.
Gaskell, J. M. Pakington, Sir J.
Goulburn, rt. hon. H. Palmer, R.
Graham, rt. hon. Sir J. Palmer, R.
Granby, Marq. of Peel, F.
Grogan, E. Plowden, W. H. C.
Gwyn, H. Portal, M.
Halford, Sir H. Prime, R.
Halsey, T. P. Rendlesham, Lord
Heald, J. Rumbold, C. E.
Heathcoat, J. Rushout, Capt.
Heneage, G. H. W. Russell, F. C. H.
Henley, J. W. Shelburne, Earl of
Herbert, rt. hon. S. Smollet, A.
Hildyard, R. C. Sotheron, T. H. S.
Hildyard, T. B. T. Spooner, R.
Hodgson, W. N. Stafford, A.
Hood, Sir A. Stanford, J. F.
Hope, A. Waddington, H. S.
Hornby, J. Walpole, S. H.
Hotham, Lord Walter, J.
Howard, P. H. Wegg-Prosser, F. R.
Hudson, G. Wortley, rt. hon. J. S.
Inglis, Sir R. H.
Jermyn, Earl TELLERS.
Lacy, H. C. Sibthorp, Col.
Law, hon. C. E. Buck, L. W.

Main Question put, and agreed to.

Bill read 2°, and committed for Wednesday, 10th of April.

House adjourned at a quarter before Six o'clock.