HC Deb 22 February 1849 vol 102 cc1133-48

rose to move— That the laws relating to landed property in Ireland, as affecting the rights and powers both of landlords and tenants, require the immediate consideration of this House, with a view to such alteration of these laws as will remove the obstacles at present existing to the improvement of the soil, and the employment of the people. The hon. Gentleman said, he had frequently heard complaints in that House that Irish Members, though continually dwelling on the grievances of Ireland, never proposed any remedies. He wished to exempt himself from this reproach, and therefore submitted this resolution, as the foundation of a series of measures which could only be successfully promoted by the power of Government. For ages the people of Ireland had been depressed, and had become, as they were truly described, a potato-fed people. The great evil had been the minute subdivision of land, with a view to extort exorbitant rents, whereby the people had been compelled to resort to a lower diet, being without any regular employment. Since the repeated failures of the potato crop, the people were being, rapidly exterminated. The only exception to this was the province of Ulster, where the percentage of pauperism was only 1½ in the 100, while in Connaught it was 9. In some unions in Ulster the percentage was as low as six-tenths in the hundred; it was not lower in any part of the united kingdom. Nevertheless, in Ulster, great part of the land was let in small farms, averaging from two to three acres. What, then, caused the difference between Ulster and the other provinces? In the latter the tenants had no interest in improving the land, nor had the landlords; for, owing to the system of middlemen, one was not at all dependent on the other. In Ulster, on the contrary, the general prevalence of what was called tenant-right gave a stimulus to industry and improvement. Having; stated the condition of Ireland, and the causes of that condition, he would now state the remedies he proposed. First, he would give to landlords the full power of charging the inheritors with any improvements they might make on their estates. A measure to this effect had been introduced in a former Session, and he believed its principle was not opposed by the Government; but as it was to be carried out through the instrumentality of the Court of Chancery, it was more expensive than useful. Next, he would give landlords of estates under entail the power to grant long leases. Another most desirable measure was to extinguish, by some means, the rights of intermediate landlords. He wished these tenures to be so secured that the occupying tenants should be brought into direct communication with the landlords. He now came to the third measure, which he thought the most important of all. This was a measure which would secure to the tenant the value of his labour and improvements in the cultivation of the soil. The House was aware that this subject had for a long time engaged the attention of the Governments of this country. In 1836 the Poor Law Commissioners had reported upon the necessity of such a measure. In 1845, the Land Inquiry Commissioners had also reported upon the necessity of some such measure for the protection of tenants. Bills were introduced first by Lord Stanley, in 1845, then by the Earl of Lincoln, in 1846, and a third time by the Secretary for Ireland, in 1848: all of which proved abortive. The question naturally divided itself into two parts. In the province of Ulster, tenant-right existed; but the tenants were anxious that this right should be sanctioned by direct legislation: and it was not less important that the same right should be extended to the whole country. Another desirable measure would be to give the State the power of assuming waste lands, on a valuation to be properly made, with a view to their reclamation. This would be a most beneficial application of the public money; it would at once improve the land and give employment to the people. He did not ask the Government to furnish employment to all the paupers, but simply to open a market for labour. It was melancholy to reflect that in Connaught, where the greatest distress prevailed, there were a million and a half of acres of waste land. He would also ask the Government to assume the power of actually selling land on which the poor-rates were not paid. It was most unjust to the people of England, and other parts of Ireland, that they should be required to make good such arrears. The Bill which passed last Session, for effecting the sale of incumbered estates had been found inoperative; he therefore called on the Government to amend it. Another measure adopted by the Government was, the advance of loans to landlords for the improvement of their properties; but though a good measure, as far as it went, it was incapable of being extensively used in Ireland. A million and a half would go but a small way in improving land. He would prefer stimulating landlords to make improvements with their own means; and to give them the ability of doing so he would give them the power of borrowing money from the Government. These were the measures which he would suggest for the improvement of Ireland. It was a melancholy thing to see that country in her present condition, with the capability of maintaining twice or even three times her present population on the rotation system. There were 15,000,000 acres in Ireland, of which two-fifths, or 6,000,000 acres, were capable of producing corn. Under a proper system those 6,000,000 would produce 4,500,000 tons, or, at five quarters to the ton, 22,500,000 quarters, or three quarters for every head of the population, which was three times as much as would be required for the present population. This calculation was only on two-fifths of the land; the other three-fifths he would leave for pasture and vegetables. That was a proof that it was owing to the want of cultivation that Ireland was not capable of maintaining her present population, and it should stimulate the House and the Government to do everything in their power to promote the proper cultivation of the soil. The reclamation of the waste lands would give employment to the population in the ratio of 400,000 labourers for every 1,000,000 acres. He wished at present to confine his attention to the landed property of Ireland, and he would briefly mention the measures he wished to have passed: First, a Bill to relieve landed proprietors under entail, to enable them to charge the inheritance with the money expended upon improvements, and to grant sufficiently long leases to encourage the improvement of the land: a Bill for settling intermediate rights, and to provide the means by which the several intermediate holders for terminable leases should be enabled successfully to claim either a perpetuity or to sell their interest to the head landlord: a Bill for the amendment of the law relating to landlord and tenant: a Bill to give the State power to enter upon waste lands; and the State to sell the lands of defaulting proprietors to the poor-rate: and, lastly, an amendment of the Encumbered Estates Bill. The Government had not scrupled to set aside the usual barriers of the constitution in Ireland. If it were necessary to give such powers as those affecting the lives and liberties of the subject, he said it was equally necessary that extensive powers should be given in regard to the property of the people. Ireland was in a condition which required extraordinary measures like these, so as to secure the lives and property of the people. He would not wish to do the smallest injustice to any man; but he never would be discouraged from proposing such measures as these from the mere cry of an interference with the abstract rights of landlords. The hon. Gentleman concluded in the terms of his Motion.

Motion made and question proposed.


said, it was impossible to deny that the subject which had been brought before the House by the hon. Gentleman, was one of very great importance; and it was equally impossible not to admire the perseverance with which the hon. Gentleman had brought forward and pressed upon the attention of the House, year after year, his favourite project for the amendment of the law of landlord and tenant in Ireland. Yet he (Sir W. Somerville) was surprised that his hon. Friend, after the long experience he had had of the business of the House, had contented himself with bringing forward an abstract proposition, the truth of which nobody doubted, instead of laying upon the table of the House a Bill embodying, in an intelligible shape, the object he had in view, and the manner in which he proposed to carry that object into effect. The hon. Gentleman had divided his address into two portions. First of all he described the unfortunate state of Ireland at the present moment, and contrasted the condition of one part of the country with another; and then he proceeded to detail at considerable length what measures he thought should be adopted for the purpose of improving Ireland generally. It was impossible, he (Sir W. Somerville) was sorry to say, to deny the truth of the picture which the hon. Gentleman had drawn of the state of affairs in the province of Connaught. That general distress and embarrassment prevailed in that province, could not be contravened, and the terrible condition of the pauper population was lamentable in the extreme. The hon. Member had contrasted the condition of the western counties with that of the county of Down, and argued that the more prosperous state of Down was owing to the existence there of his favourite system of tenant-right. Now he thought it would be difficult to trace the difference in the conditions of the Connaught counties and those of the north of Ireland to the variation in tenures of land in the two portions of the country. It would be admitted that what the hon. Member called tenant-right prevailed to a considerable extent in the county of Donegal, and yet the condition of that county was very nearly as bad as that of the most distressed counties in the west and south. The hon. Gentleman had also alluded to many other subjects, which were, no doubt, entitled to great consideration. One of these was the rundale system, than which a more pernicious system could not be found to exist in any part of the world—and no doubt, it ought, if possible, be got rid of. But how was it to be done? His hon. Friend, having drawn his picture of the state of the county, suggest- ed the adoption of several measures which he thought would ameliorate its condition, and remedy the evils which prevailed. He had alluded to a law something like the Montgomery Act in Scotland, and seemed to be of opinion that such a measure would operate beneficially in Ireland. But he (Sir W. Somerville) would only say, in reference to the application of an Act of that kind to Ireland, that he entirely concurred in the view of the matter taken by the Members of the Earl of Devon's Commission, whose attention had been directed to the subject, and who were unanimously of opinion, that an Act like the Montgomery Act could not, with its machinery, be applied to Ireland in her present condition. He would not say that some such measure might not be desirable if machinery for carrying it out could be devised: but in that the difficulty lay. The hon. Gentleman also alluded to a Bill which had been introduced last Session by himself and another hon. Member, the object of which was to enable proprietors in fee to charge inheritors with any money expended in the improvement of their estates. And they proposed that the measure should be carried into effect by the machinery of the Board of Works. Now let them conceive what would have been the result of every landed proprietor in Ireland employing the officers of the Board of Works in order to ascertain what improvements were necessary on their property, and making themselves responsible for the outlay of money for those improvements; and then let them imagine what disputes and difficulties such a system would inevitably give rise to? Why, it would not have lasted a week, if it could have been applied at all; for the Government had experienced the greatest difficulty in managing the disposition, through the machinery of the Board of Works, of the 1,500,000l. which had been lent to Ireland to carry on works of utility in that country. He mentioned this as another proof of the difficulties which the Government had to contend against in making any attempt to do that which ought to be performed by individuals. The hon. Gentleman advised that some measure should be passed with the view of giving security to tenants for any outlays of money in the improvement of their holdings. Measures having a tendency to secure in some degree that object had been introduced at different times by Lord Stanley, and by the noble Earl the Member for the Falkirk district of burghs, and by himself during the last Session of Parliament; and he believed one or two similar measures were brought in by the hon. Member. Now, every one of these Bills had proved a failure, in consequence of the deficiency in the machinery wherewith effectively to carry them into operation. He would not say that he was deterred by these repeated failures, for he hoped, in the course of the present Session, to lay upon the table of the House a Bill, the object of which would be to secure to improving tenants the fruits of their industry. He had always been of opinion that voluntary arrangements between landlords and tenants were far better and more satisfactory than any arrangement of a compulsory character under the terms of an Act of Parliament; and he trusted that notwithstanding any law that might be passed on the subject, the voluntary—which was the most wholesome system—would as often as possible continue to be acted upon. But the hon. Member called upon the House to legislate upon the question of tenant-right, without defining what tenant-right was. For his (Sir W. Somerville's) own part, he had never heard a clear definition given of it. He had read several able pamphlets on the subject—one especially written by a Mr. Lament, in which that gentleman—who, he believed, was a practical man—gave it as his opinion that it would be impossible to legalise tenant-right by legislation. He hardly knew whether he need touch upon the many other questions which had been adverted to by his hon. Friend. They all referred to matters of great importance. There was, for example, the question of reclaiming waste lands, and the question of arterial drainage—both of great importance. But, after all, the real question was, should waste lands be reclaimed and arterial drainage carried on by the Government? With respect to the reclamation of waste lands by Government, he did not know any measure which had lost so much ground in Ireland. [Mr. BELLEW: Hear, hear!] The industrial resources of Ireland were imperfectly developed, and there was no doubt her soil, if properly cultivated, was capable of feeding in comfort a much larger population than her present one; but that was not the question they had to deal with now. He thought that however desirable it might be to proceed with these works, that the principle of leaving them to private enterprise ought not to be departed from. He had further to state, that it was his intention in the course of the present Session to introduce a Bill to provide for the conversion of renewable leasehold property in Ireland into tenancies in fee; and also a Bill, the object of which would be to amend the Irish grand jury law; both of which measures he hoped would prove beneficial to that country. He trusted that the House would be content with what he had stated it was his intention to do; and that they would not sanction the resolution of the hon. Member, which pointed to nothing practical, and which, if agreed to, would possibly tend to raise hopes which might never be fulfilled.


agreed with the right hon. Baronet that it was not wise to create hopes which might not be realised, yet he thought much credit was due to his hon. Friend who proposed this Motion, for his perseverance in pressing his views on the Government, many of which, if carried out, would be very useful. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Louth cheered the right hon. Baronet when he said that the question of the reclamation of the waste lands had lost ground in Ireland. It might be well for the hon. Member for Louth, which was all reclaimed, to entertain such an opinion; but if the hon. Gentleman went further to the west, he would see that waste lands might be cultivated with great advantage. He had done so himself in the west of Ireland with success. He hoped the right hon. Baronet would not fail in bringing forward the measures he indicated at an early day. There was now an opportunity of doing much good for Ireland; but he thought that every proposition for the improvement of the country would best emanate from the Government. If the Committee upstairs were allowed to perform their duty fairly to the country, it would show what the evils of Ireland were, and would suggest the proper remedies for their removal. He hoped they would be allowed the opportunity of doing so.


said, it was a comfort to know that it was the intention of Government to bring forward some of the measures referred to by his hon. Friend. When the right hon. Baronet said that tenant-right prevailed in Donegal to a great extent, and yet that it was in a lamentable condition, while the county of Down was comparatively prosperous, he ought to have told the House that the tenant-right which existed in Donegal was a mere mockery, whereas the tenant-right of Down was real and well defined. The right hon. Baronet said that it was impossible to define tenant-right. As far as words could define it, it was easy enough to do so—tenant-right being the right to sell the occupancy, the landlord being first paid out of the proceeds of the sale. He wished to see such a measure introduced by Government as would enable the small landholders, of whom there was an immense number, to lay out their money upon the land with the certain hope of being allowed to reap a return, without being every hour at the mercy of the landlord. This was one of the most necessary measures for Ireland, and this was one of those measures that would alleviate the miseries of the poor, and smooth the working of the poor-law. Various measures had been proposed for compensating tenants, but not one had been prosecuted with energy. They had been mocked with Bills which were brought in only to be abandoned. As his hon. Friend had but little chance of carrying his Motion, he would recommend him to withdraw it, but on the distinct understanding that Ministers were pledged to introduce a Bill which would go to the root of the evil, sufficiently early to insure its being carried in the present Session.


agreed so far with the hon. Member for Limerick as to recommend the hon. Member for Rochdale to withdraw his Motion. He did so, however, on different grounds from that hon. Member, for he believed, if it were adopted by the House, hopes would be raised in Ireland which could never be realised. If at any time there was a Bill brought in which went to infringe the rights of property, under pretence of establishing a tenant-right in Ireland, he (Viscount Bernard) should feel it his duty to oppose it. As a resident Irish landlord he had no hesitation in saying that the question of tenant-right was used as a purely political engine in Ireland. The wisest course for Parliament to pursue, in his opinion, would be to let the matter alone. To legislate in such a spirit for that portion of the Irish tenantry holding small patches of land not sufficient to Support their families, would be but to perpetuate the misery of Ireland. On this question he thought the Government ought to take the responsibility of originating measures, and not leave them to individual efforts. At present Parliament had been sitting three or four weeks, and though there was the greatest anxiety in Ireland to know what was to be done with the poor-law, the Government had not declared its intentions. Nothing was known except that the noble Lord at the head of the Government meant to submit a proposition to the Committee now sitting, which was generally objected to in Ireland. The hon. Member for Rochdale had offered many suggestions which, if embodied in Bills, would take several months to prepare; but Ireland required an immediate remedy for the evils that afflicted her. The only one, however, proposed was a Tenant Bill and a Grand Jury Bill. The measure wanted was neither one nor the other, but a measure which would give employment to the poor, and save the people from starving. The Lord Lieutenant of Ireland had promised a deputation that lately waited on him, that he would strongly recommend the question of Irish railways to the Government. He (Viscount Bernard) hoped the Government would consider of it, and adopt the project laid before the House by the lamented Lord G. Bentinck last year. The right hon. Secretary for Ireland had alluded to the subject of arterial drainage; but arterial drainage was not proceeding in Ireland, because of the want of funds for the purpose. There was a difficulty under the present Act, and if Her Majesty's Government would only lend the money required upon sufficient security, arterial drainage would be recommenced. The fisheries of Ireland might be made most valuable and productive, if greater encouragement was given to railways. A large sum had been voted for the piers and harbours of Ireland, of which 40,000l. were still unexpended. The Government should promote the erection of piers and the construction of harbours in those places where they were most wanted. In reference to the Grand Jury Bill, there could be no difficulty in bringing it forward. The greater portion of the sums spent by grand juries in Ireland were not under their control, and it would be better to hand over the expenditure of the roads to the poor-law guardians, so as to enable them to anticipate pressure, and support the people in periods of distress. The noble Lord at the head of the Government should have also stated what course was intended with respect to the formation of new unions in Ireland, for that was a point of the greatest importance. The country was anxious to know whether the report of the Boundary Commission was to be adopted as regarded the workhouses of those unions, as well as with respect to electoral divisions. No question in Ireland was so important as that which involved a decrease in the area of taxation for the poor-rate; and it was desirable that the country should understand distinctly what was to be done on the subject. At present there was a suspension of all expenditure upon estates until that question was settled, lest the parties might find themselves placed in a position that would oblige them to support the poor of neighbouring unions. The Landed Estates Improvement Act would have done more good if it had been more extended. The great evil was the establishment of collective responsibility with individual means of assistance. He suggested that assistance should be given to the farmers in the way of agricultural instruction while there was yet time before the spring. The agricultural instructors sent out by Lord Clarendon last year had done the greatest good to the country; and nothing but the failure of the crops could have prevented the best effects from their efforts. The misery of Ireland was the immense number of children at present in the workhouses. These children, he suggested, should be sent to the colonies; by this means the occupying farmer would be immensely relieved, while a safe foundation would be laid for the future permanent welfare of the poor little emigrants. He was by no means opposed to the principle of the poor-law; on the contrary, he acted as chairman of a board of guardians, and had done all in his power to administer its provisions in an effective manner. They would find it utterly impracticable to give anything to the outdoor pauper without the chance of fraud. In one instance, when outdoor relief was announced, the whole parish became suddenly afflicted, and the whole population became candidates for public relief. The question of the poor-law required revision. He urged the question on the Government, not to embarrass them, but to induce them to remove that amount of uncertainty from the minds of the Irish people, in consequence of Government not stating what their intentions were.


said, it had been the habit of English Members of Parliament, and of English newspapers, to charge Irish Members with never submitting comprehensive measures to the House: after the serious and comprehensive speech of the noble Lord (Viscount Bernard) that charge could not be made at least against him. He had suggested various measures, and so numerous, that his (Mr. Reynolds') memory could not easily follow him. The noble Viscount found fault with the hon. Member for Rochdale that he had submitted no comprehensive measure. Yet that hon. Member had advised—first, a measure for emancipating the land, and, second, a measure on tenant-right. But the noble Lord found fault with all. He wondered that the noble Viscount had not said more respecting arterial drainage, as he (Mr. Reynolds) recollected about two years ago being one of an auditory of 700, who listened attentively to a speech made by the noble Viscount at an agricultural meeting held in the city of Cork. The noble Viscount was then supported by Mr. Smith, of Deanston, whose name was pretty well associated with arterial and other drainage. The noble Viscount appeared to be Smith-bitten, and roundly asserted that Ireland wanted nothing but drainage. "Drain her properly, "cried the noble Viscount," let us have plenty of drainage—nothing like drainage—thorough drainage," was the never-dying refrain of the noble Viscount's song. At last, a native of that beautiful and famous city cried out, "Let us have no more of that, my Lord; we are ruined by drainage destroyed by drainage, it is our misfortune that, we are too much drained." The fact was, that although drainage, doubtless, was a good thing, it might be, like all other good things, carried too far. Fault had been found with his hon. Friend (Mr. S. Crawford) for taking up the time of the House with this resolution; but, if no other good had been done, it had, at least, drawn from the Government the announcement of three measures. He had greatly regretted to hear from the hon. Baronet the Secretary for Ireland, that considerable apathy prevailed with regard to the reclamation of waste lands; but he believed it might be easily accounted for. The destruction of the potato crop, and other calamities, had rendered valuable land nearly valueless; but there was a fact which the House ought never to forget, namely, that out of the 20,000,000 acres of Ireland, 7,000,000 were uncultivated, and that, out of the latter, 5,000,000 were capable of reclamation. And yet, notwithstanding this enormous quantity of land lying waste, they forced the labourers, by tyrannical and unnatural means, to cross the Atlantic. He deprecated forced emigration, whilst so much land at home was lying waste. The hon. Member for South Lancashire (Mr. W. Brown), a merchant and a hanker, with extensive connexions in America, as well as in tills country, had that day told him that money to the amount of 51,000l. had been remitted from the United States in the past year, through their house, from 8,000 Irish emigrants, in sums varying from 1l. to 30l., to assist their relations in Ireland to emigrate likewise. The driving of such an industrious class of labourers from the country, was, in his opinion, opening an artery in the prosperity of Ireland, and bleeding it to death.[A laugh.] That might excite laughter, but ere long its results would give rise to a very different feeling. As some remarks had been made derogatory to the Committee upstairs on Irish distress, he might perhaps be allowed to say that he entertained great hopes that, so far from doing nothing, that Committee would lay the foundation of a better system of poor-law in Ireland. He denounced many of the agitators against the present poor-law as desirous of repealing the law altogether, and throwing paupers on the paupers for support. He remembered when hundreds of thousands of paupers were supported exclusively by the poor; but a return to that system was now impracticable. He was opposed to any disturbance of the principle of the poor-law, as he believed it was the poor man's charter. It was too often, however, made the rich man's warrant for the purpose of depopulating the country. But while he wished to see alterations made in the present law, he was not of those who made alteration a mere pretext under which they concealed the strongest desire to have the law repealed altogether. He repeated it, there were those in that House who, while pretending to seek the alteration only of the law, would use every moans in their power to have it totally repealed. The noisiest opponents of the poor-law were those who formerly spent their incomes in foreign countries, left the management of their estates to their stewards, and surrounded their lands with stone walls twelve feet high, illustrated at intervals with boards, exhibiting in plain Roman capitals the words, "Spring guns and man traps set here." This class of landowners were now very rare; and he trusted that the House would never permit the principle of the poor-law to be disturbed. He concluded by thanking his hon. Friend (Mr. S. Crawford) for having submitted his Motion to the House.


said, that his hon. Friend who had just sat down was somewhat older than he was, and, therefore, he might have more experience in Ireland; but, for his own part, he had never seen any of those "spring guns and man traps," for keeping off the poor from a landlord's estate, to which his hon. Friend had alluded. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman had not even seen them himself, but had only read of them. Instead of following the various extraneous topics which had been submitted to the House, he would recall attention to the Motion of his hon. Friend the Member for Rochdale, and to the observations founded thereon of his right hon. Friend the Secretary for Ireland. He was glad to hear from his right hon. Friend that it was his intention to introduce the three measures he had mentioned; and he was sure his right hon. Friend would frame his Landlord and Tenant Bill so as to render it beneficial to the country to which it was to be applied. His principal object in rising was, to express his regret that his right hon. Friend had not declared his intention of introducing another measure, and one of vital importance. He referred to a Bill for the management of estates, vested in the Court of Chancery in Ireland. His right hon. Friend was aware of the extent of these estates—he was aware of the way in which they were managed—and he was also aware that the tenants were in a state of the most abject wretchedness; that they had no hope—no inducement toward the improvement of their miserable condition, because they had no leases. He (Mr. Monsell) trusted that the Government would not allow many months of the present Session to elapse without bringing in a Bill for this purpose. His hon. Friend the Member for Middlesex had moved for certain returns on this subject; and, therefore, the question was before the House. He hoped the Government would at once take up the matter; and he was sure that his right hon. Friend (Sir W. Somerville), with the able assistance of the eminent person who was now Chancellor of Ireland, would be able to mature a measure which would confer great and lasting benefit on the country.


thought that the cultivation of waste lands in Ireland, although some years ago it would have been a very feasible project, was now wholly impracticable. The free-trade policy which had been recently adopted by that House, had put it altogether out of the question that anything like success should attend on any such undertaking. The lands on which crops were heretofore raised in Ireland were passsing rapidly out of cultivation, such were the injurious effects to the agricultural interests of the free-trade measures; and if it was found impossible to keep the good land in cultivation, how vain would be the enterprise of seeking to reclaim the waste! The project would never pay, and it would be idle to think of it. He believed much advantage would be derived from an improved system of legislation between landlord and tenant; but the most useful suggestion, in his opinion, had been made upon that subject by the hon. Member for the University of Dublin. In England there were six laws to regulate the relations between landlord and tenant, while in Ireland there were sixty-three. He had no faith in the Bill temporarily passed last Session. The only effect it had, was to put a great deal of money into the pockets of lawyers and attorneys. He could not vote for the Motion, because he could not approve of the speech by which it had been accompanied, which professed to be explanatory of it.


said, if the right hon. Baronet the Chief Secretary for Ireland recollected the number of Bills introduced upon the subject of landlord and tenant in Ireland, and the little success he (Mr. Crawford) had met with, he would not be surprised at the anxiety he felt upon the subject. It was not in the power of any individual Member to complete the necessary machinery for carrying a measure of that sort; and it was, therefore, of great importance that it should be undertaken by the Government. It was hoped they would also see the necessity of furthering the measure. As to the Motion before the House, it might entirely depend upon the promise of the right hon. Gentleman as to the time he would undertake, on behalf of the Government, to bring forward the three measures of which notice had been given. If the right hon. Gentleman promised to bring them forward within a reasonable time, he (Mr. Crawford) would not trouble the House by a division; but, if not, he would wish to take the opinion of the House upon the question under consideration.


said, that two of the Bills were in a forward state, and would be shortly introduced in the other House. He had still his objections to call the other Bill a tenant-right Bill; but the other measure upon that subject would shortly he brought forward.


, under those circumstances, would not trouble the House, and withdrew his Motion.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.