HC Deb 04 May 1846 vol 86 cc9-35

Order of the Day for going into Committee of the whole House to consider Her Majesty's Most Gracious Messages was read. House in Committee; and the Royal Messages having been read (see ante, vol. lxxxv, p. 1152),

SIR R. PEEL

said: Mr. Speaker, it has been my duty so recently, on two separate occasions, to attempt to do justice to the distinguished services and merits of the officers who are the immediate subjects of these Messages from the Crown, and not only to them, but to all the officers and men, European and Native, who served under their command, that I conceive it would be an unwarrantable trespass on the time of the House, if, on this third occasion, I were to call the attention of the House specially to the distinguished services they have rendered in the campaign on the banks of the Sutlej. On those occasions, the House, by a unanimous vote, assented to the Resolutions which I had the honour of proposing. The House gave a convincing proof how deeply it felt the extent and the value of those services, by the ready and unanimous assent which it accorded to the Resolution, that a Vote of Thanks should be given to those distinguished officers; and I allude to the recorded Vote of the House as a reason why I should not again attempt to describe their actions, rather than venture to recapitulate them. But, Sir, this Message from the Crown not only alludes to the triumphant services of Viscount Hardinge and of Lord Gough in the late victorious campaign of the Sutlej; but it also states that Her Majesty has been graciously pleased to recommend this House to adopt such measures as will enable Her Majesty to confer upon them some signal mark of Her favour for their distinguished services upon other occasions. Perhaps, then, the House will permit me to allude to those services which Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough have performed for their country in other campaigns than the recent one upon the banks of the Sutlej. Her Majesty has been graciously pleased, in return for all those services, to confer the honour of the British Peerage on Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough; and Her Majesty now invites the House of Commons to make the provision usually made on similar occcasions. I find it necessary, therefore, to state to the House, not merely the services performed by those officers on the late occasions, but those also by which, on former ones, they have sustained the honour and glory of the British name, and the interests of their country. It is now forty-eight years since my noble, gallant, and distinguished Friend, Viscount Hardinge, entered the British service; and in the course of his long military career it has been the good fortune of my gallant Friend to be present at numerous actions in the Peninsula—at Roleiga, at Vimiera (where he was wounded), and, under the command of that most gallant, distingushed, and lamented officer, Sir John Moore, during the retreat to Corunna, and at the battle of Corunna. At the battle of Corunna, at an early period of his life, Captain Hardinge was near Sir John Moore when that gallant officer received his death-wound upon the field. Of Lord Hardinge it is said, by the eloquent historian of the Peninsular campaign, when describing the battle of Corunna, that Captain Hardinge, a staff officer, who was near Sir John Moore, attempted to take off his sword, part of the belt of which had entered the deep wound in his shoulder made by the cannon shot by which he was struck; that Captain Hardinge proposed to Sir John to unbuckle the sword, that the torment it contributed to cause might be relieved; but that Sir John Moore stopped him with this affecting speech, "It is as well as it is. I had rather it should go out of the field with me." The historian adds that, in this manner, so becoming a soldier, Sir John Moore was borne from the field, refusing to part with his sword in the moment of death. After the battle of Corunna Sir H. Hardinge was present at the passage of the Douro, at the battle of Busaco, in the lines of Torres Vedras, at the battle of Albuera, at the three sieges of Badajoz, at the siege and capture of Ciudad Rodrigo, at Salamanca, at Vittoria, where he was severely wounded, at Pampeluna, at the battles of the Pyrenees, at Nivelle, at Nive, and at Orthez. The House will remember that my gallant Friend was at Ligny, two days before the battle of Waterloo, and he was only prevented from taking his share in that great action by the severe wounds he received at the battle of Ligny. This House cannot forget what a distinguished part my gallant Friend took in the battle of Albuera; and it is possible that he learned in that action what confidence could be justly placed in the desperate valour of British soldiers. It is probable even that the recollection of the battle of Albuera, and of the change in the fortunes of that day, accomplished chiefly through the valour of the British infantry, may have induced my gallant Friend to persevere under all discouragements in his latter and equally glorious battles, and to place a just and never disappointed confidence in the enduring valour of the British troops. The same gallant historian to whom I have referred, speaking of the battle of Albuera, states that there were many circumstances which might have made the most gallant men in the British army despond, and, referring to a period of the fight when an attack was made upon a French division posted on an eminence formidable for the purpose of defence, he says— Myers was killed; Cole himself, and Colonels Ellis, Blakeney, and Hawkshawe fell, badly wounded, and the whole brigade, 'struck by the iron tempest, reeled and staggered like sinking ships.' 'Suddenly recovering, however,' says Colonel Napier, in strains of sublime military eloquence, 'they closed on their terrible enemy; and then was seen with what a strength and majesty the British soldier fights. In vain did Soult by voice and gesture animate his Frenchmen; in vain did the hardiest veterans, extricating themselves from the crowded column, sacrifice their lives to gain time and space for the mass to open out on such a fair field; in rain did the mass itself bear up, and, fiercely striving, fire indiscriminately on friends and foes, while the horsemen hovering on the flanks, threatened to charge the advancing line. Nothing could stop that astonishing infantry. No sudden burst of undisciplined valour; no nervous enthusiasm weakened the stability of their order: their flashing eyes were bent on the dark columns in their front; their measured tread shook the ground; their dreadful volleys swept away the head of every formation; their deafening shouts overpowered the dissonant cries that broke from all parts of the tumultuous crowd, as foot by foot, and with a horrid carnage, it was driven by the incessant vigour of the attack to the furthest edge of the hill. In vain did the French reserves, joining with the struggling multitude, endeavour to sustain the fight; their efforts only increased the irremediable confusion, and the mighty mass, at length giving way like a loosened cliff, went headlong down the ascent.' This is a description worthy of the scene; a description that could only have been written by a man of great eloquence, and of great experience in the art of war. But the historian proceeds:— The rain flowed after in streams discoloured with blood, and 1,500 unwounded men, the remnant of 6,000 unconquerable British soldiers, stood triumphant on the fatal hill! Sir, it was the recollection of such an exploit, it was the experience of such desperate valour, that, I have no doubt, induced Sir H. Hardinge and Sir H. Gough never to despond, whatever might be the disparity of numbers, and the skill and valour of their opponents; but, relying on the energy of the British infantry they had under their command, they felt assured of the ultimate success of their arms. So much for the services of my gallant Friend Sir H. Hardinge. As I said before, he has now completed forty-eight years of military service. The career of that other gallant officer whom Her Majesty has elevated to the British Peerage has not been less distinguished. For fifty-two years has Lord Gough served in the British army; and no one would have supposed from the vigour, the energy, and the heroism of his conduct, that fifty-two years of active service could have passed over his head. Sir Hugh Gough was at the capture of the Cape of Good Hope, at the attack on Porto Rico, and at the capture of Surinam. During the Peninsular war he commanded the 87th Regiment at Talavera, where he was severely wounded; he was present at Barossa, at Vittoria, at Nivelle, where he was also severely wounded; at the sieges of Cadiz and at Tarifa. During the period of European peace he had still an opportunity of distinguishing himself in his country's service—an opportunity he never neglected. He commanded the British army at Canton, and directed nearly all the operations in China. He was with the right wing of the army of Gwalior, which fought and gained the battle of Maharajpore. These are the services rendered by that gallant officer previous to the late campaign on the Sutlej, where he was Commander in Chief of the army. It would be presumptuous in me to attempt to do justice to his signal services. I believe he is known to the British army as a man of the most heroic valour, and that his valour and skill inspire confidence in all those whom he commands. I will not speak merely of his valour and his skill: these are admitted by all who are acquainted with the history of our Peninsular and Indian wars. But, I must take this opportunity of placing upon record an instance of his devotion to the service of his country, which he, probably, little thought would ever be mentioned within the walls of Parliament, but which I conceive to be at least as honourable to him as any services he has rendered in the field. After the termination of the Chinese campaign, Lord Gough was nominated to the command of the forces in Madras. It was thought expedient, at a period subsequent to his nomination to this command, that the military and civil command should be united in the hands of one person—that person having the advantage of previous personal communication with Her Majesty's servants. Lord Tweeddale was selected for the government of Madras; and, as I have said, it being thought desirable in the circumstances in which that presidency was then placed to unite the military and civil commands, Lord Tweeddale superseded Lord Gough in the military command. That was a severe trial to a British officer—to one who had just been victorious in China. Now, what was the answer returned by Lord Gough to the Commander in Chief on its being intimated to him that the public service required the union of the two commands? Many officers would have felt deeply mortified; but I consider the answer of Lord Gough to be so honourable to him, and to set so striking an example of what is the duty of a British soldier under such circumstances as I have mentioned, that I have determined to read to the House the letter written by the gallant officer on that occasion:— Head-quarter ship Marion, off Nankin, Sept. 15, 1842. My Lord—I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's letter of the 30th of April. However mortifying it may be to me to find myself deprived of the appointment to which I had been so graciously nominated, I beg to assure your Lordship that I how without repining to any measure that may be considered beneficial to the interests of my country. To serve that country in the higher walks of a profession which I entered as a child, I came to India, and especially to China, and I trust your Lordship will believe, that while my Sovereign considered my services useful, they were, as they ever shall be, freely, and, I hope, energetically rendered; but when they are no longer required, or when the public exigencies in such an important portion of our foreign possessions as Madras are deemed to clash with my individual advantage, I hope I may say that I am one of the last men in the army who would not readily sacrifice self-interest. My gracious Sovereign's unsolicited nomination of me to the chief command at Madras was received by me with thankfulness; and whenever for the furtherance of Her Majesty's service it became expedient to place another in that situation, whether in a single or conjoint capacity, I should not have wished my private interests to stand in the way of the public good. That I feel rather disappointed I cannot deny; but I am not the less grateful to my Sovereign for Her gracious kindness towards me, or the less sincerely and warmly thankful to your Lordship for the renewed proof of kind consideration which your letter conveys. With the earnest and anxious prayer that the union of the civil government and military command at Madras may fully meet the expectations of the Government—I have, &c., H. GOUGH, Lieutenant-General, Commanding Expeditionary Land Force. This, in my opinion, is one of the most creditable letters ever written by a military man, and proved, I think, that the writer was worthy of a higher trust than that of Commander at Madras. I trust that these instances of apparent self-sacrifice and of devotion to the true interests of the military service will ever meet with their just rewards; and though Sir Hugh Gough, when he wrote that letter never contemplated that a consequence of this might be his appointment to the chief command in India, yet I rejoice that such a noble devotion to the public service was followed by a reward to which he has proved himself to be fully entitled. Having thus attempted briefly to recount the services rendered by these distinguished men previous to the late campaign, I have said enough to show that the proposition which I shall submit to the House is not only justified by recent services, but by a long career of military exertion and glory. The proposal which I shall make may not be one commensurate with their merits, but I feel it to be of the utmost importance, that a proposal so made should command the unanimous assent of the House. I am perfectly certain that it would be more agreeable to my gallant Friend, Lord Hardinge, and to that other distinguished officer, whose personal acquaintance I have not the honour to enjoy—I am sure that it would be more acceptable to their feelings that the Minister of the Crown should make a proposition so reasonable and moderate that it should command universal assent, rather than one that might possibly lead to controversy. I shall propose that the annual sum of 3,000l. be granted to Her Majesty out of the Consolidated Fund, to be settled in the most beneficial manner on Lord Hardinge and the two next surviving heirs male of his body. I shall propose also to follow precedents, which I think it is desirable to observe in respect to the rewards of these military services, in order that there may not be the possibility of inviting a contrast. Adopting, then, these precedents as far as practicable, I shall propose that the sum of 2,000l. a year be granted to Lord Gough and to the two next surviving heirs male of his body. I have reason to believe—and it would not be proper to withhold the knowledge from this House—that the East India Company, most wisely and properly, in my opinion, are anxious to mark their sense of the services rendered by Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough, by making every provision for those distinguished men which the charter of the India Company enables them to do. I believe, that without some legislative sanction, and the assent of the Crown, the East India Company cannot make any provision or allowances to the heirs of any one who has rendered services in India; but the India Company are most desirous of making a liberal provision for Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough during their lives. In that case, though on the present occasion I shall feel it my duty to propose the vote in the usual form—namely, that provision be made from the 28th of April for Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough and their two next heirs male, yet in case the India Company should take that course which would be most becoming to them, and consistent with that liberality which they have always evinced in rewarding services rendered in India, and should make provision for life for those two distinguished individuals, then it will be perfectly competent in the House, during the progress of the Bill, to permit the East India Company to have the honour of allotting to Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough for their lives whatever provision the Company may deem suitable to their brilliant services; and in that case the grant of the House of Commons, so far as those two illustrious individuals are concerned, would not take place. I am most anxious that there should be a deep conviction on the part of the House that the proposal I make is so moderate as to command unanimous assent. After the account which I have given of the services of these two distinguished and gallant individuals, I believe that such will be the feeling of the House; and being fully confident in the moderation of my proposal, and in the liberality of the House of Commons, I now move— That the annual sum of 3,000l. be granted to Her Majesty, out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, the said Annuity to commence from the 28th day of April, 1846, and to be settled in the most beneficial manner upon Lieutenant General Henry Viscount Hardinge, and the two next surviving heirs male of the body of the said Henry Viscount Hardinge.

LORD FRANCIS EGERTON

I have hitherto, for what I considered good reasons, but I must say at the sacrifice of my own inclinations, remained silent when the services of our Indian army have been brought under the notice of the House. I was so when the vote of thanks for the recent victories was unanimously adopted, for I felt that any expressions of mine could but weaken the effect of the eloquence so happily displayed by my right hon. Friend. I felt still more strongly that anything I had to offer must diminish the effect of that sanction from professional authority which these meritorious services obtained elsewhere, when the laudari a laudato was so happily illustrated. The opinion the House has manifested is now upon record, and must remain there as long as history retains the name of that great master of the art of war who has borne testimony to the successful exertions of his pupils, and has thus afforded them their proudest and their best reward. The same feeling of self-distrust would induce me on this occasion to give my silent but hearty concurrence in the present most reasonable and moderate proposal, if I were not at this moment under an influence I cannot control, to express my earnest desire that it may be possible to introduce into the category of reward another distinguished name—that of the conqueror of Aliwal. Putting aside for a moment, and as far as it is possible, the consideration of other victories, I believe that we must go to the annals of Sir Henry Smith's great master in the military art for a specimen of such a felicitous combination of foresight and strategy which rendered his achievement so teres atque rotundus, if I may so apply the expression. We must look not merely to the apparent success of the enemy at the ford of Hurekee, but go further back, and do justice to the wise calculation which, even through the semblance of temporary discomfiture, amid insecure allies and barbarous foes, could look forward with calm confidence and resolute patience to that great victory which he subsequently achieved. It has fallen to the lot of scarcely any individual to pass through so long and so unostentatious a career, and to terminate it by a result so judicious in its conduct, so brilliant in its execution, and so important in its consequences. It has received the great reward of the thanks of Parliament; and I must say, that while speaking, I feel the inconvenience and embarrassment that may ensue if Gentlemen come forward with claims founded on high services, but estimated by personal regard and private friendship. On this account, if I had the slightest acquaintance with Sir Henry Smith, or even with his friends — if I even knew the features of his countenance through any other medium than a woodcut in the Illustrated News, I would not have stood forward in his behalf on the present occasion. I am aware, that in so doing I am treading upon delicate ground. It has been not seldom said, that it is seldom wise to venture without authority to make reference to the private circumstances of an individual; but when a soldier has gone through such a series of successful services, who has taken more towns than, with my imperfect recollection, I can count upon my fingers, it may be to his credit to say that he is richer in honours than in wealth; but it would be more to the credit of his country to say that his wealth has increased with his honours. No church-plate has been squeezed into his portmanteau—no contributions have been raised by him, and all the precious metal he possesses consists of the medals that decorate his uniform. I am even afraid that he has made a partial sacrifice of these: that a part of his baggage carried in advance has been lost, and that his Waterloo medal has not escaped the calamity. Upon these grounds—and, without venturing to trouble the House further, I beg leave to express my regret if it turn out impossible that Sir Henry Smith should be included in some practical demonstration of the gratitude of his country. I am disposed to think, at all events, that the House will hardly consider its own views of liberality satisfied in such a case. It will hardly consider its own views of distributive justice satisfied, if, when these subjects are under discussion, something be not done in practical acknowledgment of such indisputable claims. The claims to which my right hon. Friend has adverted are beyond all praise of mine; and I will only allow myself to say that long acquaintance, esteem, and friendship for the Governor General of India give me additional gratification in concurring in the proposal before the House; and I conclude with an earnest prayer that these good, brave, and distinguished men may long live to enjoy the honours and rewards they receive from their Sovereign and their country.

LORD J. RUSSELL

On a former occasion I cordially seconded the right hon. Gentleman opposite when he proposed the thanks of the House to these illustrious commanders; and I should, therefore, scarcely have thought it necessary to say a word now, had it not been for what has just fallen from the noble Lord, which makes it incumbent on me to notice the principle on which the House of Commons proceeds in votes of this nature. No doubt Sir Henry Smith is a most distinguished officer; no doubt the services he has performed are most eminent; but let us look at those of Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough in early life, on which the right hon. Baronet has dilated; let us look at the devoted services of many other officers who have conquered and perchance fallen in the cause of their country, at those of Sir Thomas Picton, for instance, and yet have received no pecuniary reward. I must own I think it advisable that the House of Commons should not be the originator of such propositions. The whole of the services of Lords Hardinge and Gough, detailed by the right hon. Baronet, previous to the late victories in India, were passed over unmarked by any vote for sums of money or annuities; still they were most distinguished men, and everybody must have felt grateful for the parts they acted at Albuera, and for the services that Barossa witnessed. I think the best course we can pursue is, to leave entirely to the Crown the dispensation of honours for military and naval services. When the Crown, in the opinion of this House, has fitly and properly bestowed the honours it has in its power to give, consisting of a Peerage, enabling the possessor of it to sit in the House of Lords, and to transmit the title to his descendants, the Minister comes down and asks us to consent to a grant competent to the support of the honour of the peerage; it then becomes our concern to consider, and, if we see reason, to assent to the grant; and this course is attended with this advantage—first, the Crown, as the fountain of honour, rewards the military and naval claims of those who in fact are its servants; and next, there is this check upon the improper bestowal of honours, from private favour or any other undue motive, that this House may refuse to concede the grant required at his hands, and object to carry into effect the corrupt wishes of the Minister. This I state as the general principle; but with respect to Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough, as no man can doubt for a moment the fitness of making a Viscount of the one and a Baron of the United Kingdom of the other, by the exercise of the Royal prerogative, so we shall be most willing to concur in the grant required at our hands. Not having heard until now what was to be the proposition of Ministers, but thinking it most just and reasonable, I am prepared at once to concur in it. I presume that the subject has been duly considered by the Government of which the right hon. Baronet is the head; and I have heard nothing from him, or from any other Member, which induces me to object to the vote. It is far better to say so at once, and plainly, than to give a silent and cold acquiescence. I think that Ministers have fixed upon the proper amount, and I have the greatest readiness in expressing my entire concurrence in the discretion that has been exercised. When the noble Lord asks that votes should be taken for other distinguished officers, I must reply that if the Crown had sent down a Message to this House to confer a reward upon them, I should be quite ready to take the subject into consideration. No such message has been received regarding Sir Henry Smith, although I agree with the noble Lord that he has rendered most important services in the course of his military operations. It is not for me to express a desire which I must say, differing from the noble Lord, does not properly belong to Members of this House. On the general subject of India, I may be permitted to add that I am most gratified by the intelligence recently received, and that I trust the brilliant encounters recognized by our thanks will be succeeded by achievements of a different kind, which the courage, capacity, and resolution of Lord Hardinge give me confidence he will not fail to accomplish. I trust that he will display equal vigilance, wisdom, foresight, and moderation, in the settlement of the affairs committed to his charge; and although these victories of peace may be less brilliant, and accompanied by fewer laurels than those by which he has been lately crowned, they are not less difficult, not less embarrassing, and do not less require the exertion of the best faculties of the mind and heart than the victories of war, for the attainment of which he has been recently engaged. For these reasons I cordially concur in the proposition of the right hon. Gentleman.

MR. ROEBUCK

, after what had just fallen from the noble Lord, rose with fear, lest he might hazard, not the honour, but the reward that was due to gallantry and skill unsurpassed in any transactions connected with war in India. Need he say, that he referred to one whose name was to be found in the chronicles of British glory—he meant Sir C. Napier, who had seen fifty years' service, and had added a kingdom to our Indian empire, with the least possible expenditure of blood? Yet nobody but one so humble as himself had mentioned his name. He could have wished that "the fountain of honour," as it was called, had flowed towards that gallant officer. Agreeing that the House ought not to interfere in the bestowal of honours, yet, as they were in fact conferred by the advice of the Minister, whatever might be the form, the suggestion of the noble Lord was to be regarded as made to the Minister; and, without wishing to insitute any invidious comparison of merits, and with no feeling of jealousy or envy at the distinctions conferred upon others, yet conceiving that there was a name in every way deserving from the country a meed not yet bestowed, by long service, and skill, and integrity, and actual benefit conferred, he did hope that some means might be taken that it should not appear as if a slur were were about to be cast upon the conqueror of Scinde by passing over his services. This mere mention of his name might possibly do him some service. But now a word as to the future. He hoped that while the noble Member for London (Lord J. Russell) spoke of "moderation" in the future councils of Lord Hardinge, there might not be an overdoing of moderation. Our Indian dominions had, unfortunately, been distinguished hitherto by a sort of double government, a real government of the East India Company, and a sham government of native princes. We had the Mogul until that pageant was obliged to be swept away; and there was the Nizam still. If we were to have any fresh territory at all, let it be taken at once in the name of England—let there be no taking under the name of a sham sovereign. When the Treaties should be upon the Table, he, if no one else did, would endeavour to found some Motion which should compel the adoption of this principle of straightforwardness in our Government in India. If the Sikhs, for crossing the Sutlej, were to be punished by our taking possession of their territory, it ought to be in open day, and in the name of the people of England. He had said two or three years ago in the House, that we should be possessors of Scinde and the Punjaub; we were so in reality now; let us be so in open day, and without any sham pretence of "moderation."

MR. HOGG

felt, that if hon. Members were to enumerate the names of those who had been distinguished for a long course of military service and glory in India, this debate would be very greatly prolonged; and even confining the commemoration to those who had distinguished themselves in the recent campaign, he could offer a goodly list of names which every one would own to have merited reward; but the inconvenience of this course had been strongly pointed out by the noble Lord (Lord J. Russell), and it certainly would place the Minister in rather an invidious and painful position if hon. Members upon these occasions suggested names, and left upon the mind of the public, and perhaps of the individuals themselves, an impression that their services had not been duly appreciated. For himself, he did not propose to enter into the details of these victories, but rose to state what were the intentions of the East India Company. Before doing this, however, he was naturally anxious, on account of Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough, that it should be known to the House and to the country that no suggestion or communication, direct or indirect, had passed between the Government and the East India Company with reference to the present grants. It must not be imagined for a moment that there was any understanding between them that the company were to provide for those gallant officers during their lives, and the Government for their families. It was his pleasing duty, as Chairman, to make to the Court of Directors the suggestion of what should be done; and he found that there was not a single member of the Court who would not have been ready to originate such a proposition; and after he had gathered the opinion of his Colleagues as to the services of these distinguished men, and the manner in which they ought to be rewarded, he made a communication to the Government; but the grants now proposed were of course the spontaneous proposal of the Government. Now, the Company had no means of bestowing honours; they could only reward public officers by a strong expression of gratitude and thanks, and by a pecuniary grant. The proper way to mark the sense of personal service was by a pension; this marked personal service much better than a grant of money. Accordingly, on Wednesday last, he had the honour of proposing, which was carried unanimously by the Court, that a pension of 5,000l. a year be granted to Viscount Hardinge during his natural life, to commence from the period when our troops arrived under the walls of Lahore; and a pension of 2,000l. a year to Lord Gough, for his natural life, commencing at the same period. These pensions were granted irrespective of the Peerages; it was the duty of the company to reward the great services performed by these distinguished individuals—it was for the House and for the country to look to the due maintenance and independence of the Peerage; and therefore the suggestion of the right hon. Baronet seemed quite fair and proper, that when the matter came before the House in a further stage, the provision made by the Company should be taken into consideration. Undoubtedly it was not the desire of those distinguished individuals themselves that there should be anything approaching prodigality; and he hoped it would be considered becoming liberality on the part of the Company that these pensions should be granted, the Minister of the Crown looking to it that there was a provision adequate for maintaining the honour and station of a Peer enjoying a seat in the Upper House. With respect to Lord Gough, this was the first instance of the Company's granting a pension to a Commander in Chief; it would not be the less acceptable on that account; but the names of those two distinguished men had been so united throughout the operations, they had been so associated together, they had shown such instances of devotion to the public service, regardless of their own feelings and interests, and looking only to the interests of the public, that it would have been a painful duty to be called to propose a grant to the one, and omit all mention of the other. He was happy to say, that in the Court of Directors the grant to Lord Gough was as unanimously voted as that to Lord Hardinge. These grants would have to be confirmed by two general Courts of Proprietors, and a notice of fourteen days must be given before assembling the Court; but he knew the constitution of that body, and their desire to reward merit so well, that he anticipated with confidence the same unanimity there. There was an Act of Parliament which would prevent the Governor General from accepting any pension in addition to his salary: that was never intended to be the meaning of the Act, but such was its construction; but he hoped for the ready consent of the House to a provision exempting Lord Hardinge from the operation of that restrictive clause, and permitting him to receive the pension in addition to his salary as Governor General. There never went out a Governor General who evinced a greater desire for peace than did Lord Hardinge in the commencement of his career, or who, when hostilities were forced upon him, acted with greater valour and determination. It was to be trusted, that he would be enabled to devote the rest of his administration to the development of the resources of that great country, and that he might long live to advance the social happiness and welfare of its people.

SIR C. NAPIER

begged to assure the House that no man more heartily rejoiced than himself at the honours and rewards which had been conferred upon Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough. He did not think that any man, be he soldier or sailor, would grudge those gallant officers the rewards which had been announced to be in store for them; and it was a proud thing to think that, after a peace of thirty years, the blood which ran in the veins of the British soldiers of the Peninsula, ran as warmly as ever it did. He must agree with the noble Lord opposite (Lord F. Egerton) in thinking that a sufficient reward had not been conferred upon that gallant officer Sir Henry Smith. With but 12,000 men he defeated an army greatly superior to him in force, in the most gallant manner that ever such an exploit was performed. When one read an account of Sir Henry Smith's action at Aliwal, and the manœuvres which he went through, in order to relieve Loodianah, it was impossible not feel impressed with the sense of the very great value of which his services had been to the country. He knew it was a general feeling that when an officer was detached in command of a force by the Commander-in-Chief, the officer so detached was not entitled to a reward. It must be remembered, however, that Nelson was not a Commander-in-Chief when he was detached by Lord St. Vincent with a squadron, and fought the battle of the Nile, for which he was rewarded with a Peerage. He was most unwilling to enter into any remarks upon the observations made by the hon. and learned Member for Bath with respect to his (Sir C. Napier's) own relative; but he did not think that he should do his duty towards his gallant relative if he did not say that, in his opinion, that gallant officer had not received the reward to which he was entitled. It was a most remarkable thing that scarcely had the despatches of Sir Henry Hardinge and Sir Hugh Gough arrived in this country, announcing the result of the first battle with the Sikhs, when the right hon. Baronet immediately came down to the House and asked for a vote of thanks for them. The right hon. Baronet did the same when the despatches informing the Government of the second battle arrived; and every Gentleman knew with what enthusiasm those votes of thanks were passed by the House. But when they looked back to the manner in which his gallant relative was treated, they would find that a very different line of conduct was pursued. He did not receive a vote of thanks for one year after the news of his victory arrived in this country; and he remembered that when he spoke to the right hon. Baronet on the subject, he was told that it would be better to wait until his gallant relative had done something more. That brave officer, with only 2,000 men, attacked 24,000 of the enemy, in a strong position, and yet, in spite of the inferiority of his numbers, he obtained one of the most brilliant victories on record. He afterwards, with 5,000 men, defeated 36,000 of the enemy; and, nevertheless, he remained a twelvemonth without having received the thanks of the House, and was afterwards only rewarded by a red ribbon being put round his neck and shoulder.

SIR R. INGLIS

said, that his single object in rising to address the House, was to express a hope that Her Majesty's Government would not, as his right hon. Friend had stated, give to the East India Company the honour of first rewarding Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough. He could not but think that it was somewhat shabby to deprive this country of the glory and privilege of rewarding its gallant defenders in their lifetime. Would any hon. Gentleman rise in his place and say that the cumulative pension would be more than an equivalent and just reward for the services which had been rendered? He apprehended that there would not be found on either side of the House any individual who would make such a statement. After all, the amount proposed to be saved was so inconsiderable, looking to the period of life at which each of these distinguished officers had arrived, that he could not but think that we ought not to surrender to any other body that which was the distinguishing prerogative of the House of Commons. If, therefore, it were possible to make the grants which had been proposed by the right hon. Baronet irrespective of any other grant made by any other body, he should have greater satisfaction in voting for them, than if they were made contingent upon pensions granted by the East India Company.

MR. HUME

declared that it gave him great satisfaction to concur in the votes proposed. It was not often that he concurred in votes of this kind; but, setting entirely aside the gallant achievements of Lord Hardinge, no officer in his time had stood before the public a greater advocate for peace and moderation, and on that ground he was very anxious to see this country confer a liberal reward. He could easily conceive what inducements an officer in his situation had to continue the war, and take possession of that which might be productive of great individual benefit to him. The speedy manner in which he brought to a conclusion the hostilities there, deserved from the Company and the Government their highest thanks. Looking to what might have been the consequences of another campaign, he was on this ground extremely pleased to give this vote his support. He could not but believe, that looking to the very small amount the grants would come to, compared with the great benefit derived, the Court of Directors might anticipate a unanimous vote from the Court of Proprietors. Although on many points objections might be taken, we must not look to individual points, but hold out to others a motive to follow in the same general career. Allusion had been made to Scinde; he trusted the subject of that conquest would be brought before the House, for one of the greatest benefits to this country, and an act honourable to the Government, would be the restitution of that kingdom to its lawful rulers. He had much satisfaction in hearing that the East India Company had adopted a mode by which the European privates who had most distinguished themselves should be rewarded for their heroic conduct. He hoped they would also reward the native troops, on whom they placed so much dependence, and from whom they demanded such important services in these contests. In conclusion, he had much pleasure in stating that he entirely concurred in the vote now before the House.

MR. M. GORE

cordially concurred in the proposal which had been submitted by the right hon. Baronet, and observed that, whatever might be done by that House with the view of raising to still greater spleen-dour the deeds of the gallant officers whose claims were now before them, those deeds must ever live in the recollections of their grateful countrymen. Many Gentlemen must remember the circumstance that when a Peerage was conferred on the immortal Nelson, some remarks were made from the Opposition side of the House that a rank sufficiently high had not been bestowed upon him on that occasion. Mr. Pitt replied that posterity would never stop to ask what was the rank in the Peerage which the services of such a man had earned. And in like manner, he thought that, whatever the House might do, and whatever honours might be conferred on the two gallant officers, their names must ever be emblazoned on the page of history, and that from posterity they would receive a rich reward of gratitude and fame. But he had risen on the present occasion chiefly for the purpose of referring to certain points which, in his opinion, greatly enhanced the merit of the victories gained by those distinguished officers, and which could not fail to be appreciated both by the House and the country. He referred not merely to the courage, not merely to the judgment and capacity which signalized their movements, and which had attracted the admiration, not only of all Europe, but of Asia; but he referred to the important results among eastern nations which must flow from the spirit of forbearance they had evinced after victory. If it was desirable that our influence should be extended in the east, there could not be two opinions on this, that our conquests there should be the means of disseminating Christianity among the people who fell under our sway. It would not, he hoped, be thought too presumptuous to suppose that, as the march of the Roman legions prepared the way for the diffusion of Christianity, so the march of our armies might also be such as to open up a course for the accomplishment of that great object in the east; and nothing, he believed, would tend so much to that important result as the spirit of such glorious examples in Christian morals as had been exhibited on this occasion. He was sure that that example had not been lost upon the eastern nations; but that it would induce in them the desire to be instructed in the principles of that religion which produced such salutary consequences. Nor did he know if ancient or modern history gave any scene so touching as that in which the Governor General and the Commander in Chief, with uncovered heads and on bended knees, returned to God thanks for the victory with which he had blessed their arms. Such examples would not fail to produce the most favourable and salutary results among the eastern nations; and he hoped that the ultimate effect would be that Christianity, though now little known among the inhabitants of those immense regions, would soon expand into a full orb that would gladden the nations around with its radiance. The British soldiery, so long as they made the triumphs of war subservient to the preservation of peace, rendered important services to the world; and, in regard to India in particular, he trusted that the Government of that great Empire would turn their attention to the internal improvement of its resources—that they would encourage the spread of education, and the cultivation of the arts of peace—that they would endeavour to foster its industry and trade—and thus fulfilling that noble destiny to which we were called by Providence, erect the highest testimony that could be raised to the wisdom and good policy of the merchants of Britain—that they would do away with all those superstitions and injurious practices and views which hitherto had prevailed in the east, and show the eastern nations what was the true character of a British Government, by raising a monument of justice and beneficence which to a long and late posterity should hand down the fruits of the greatness and glory of the British merchants.

CAPTAIN LAYARD

was sure there was not a soldier but would be delighted to hear of the honours conferred on Lord Hardinge and Lord Gough, chiefs under whom any soldier would be proud to serve. But he could not refrain from calling the attention of the House and the East India Company to the merits of those humble but deserving men who occupied the ranks. He trusted there was now a different feeling than formerly with regard to the British soldier. The right hon. Baronet had shown what these men had performed in the Peninsular war as well as since, and he referrred particularly to the gallant conduct of the troops at Albuera; but what record had those gallant men received who survived that action? The brave soldiery were, he contended, entitled to some memorial of their country's gratitude, something to show that, while we remembered the chiefs, the armies which they commanded were not forgotten. He was happy to learn that the men engaged in India were to have medals—a fact that would rejoice the heart of the soldier; but, in addition, there was another gratification which could be conferred upon them, and that was, to give them the benefit of two years' services. When they remembered that there were now regiments in India which had been kept 24 years in that climate, they would see that the adoption of such a mode of reward would enable many of those soldiers, to whom they owed so much, to return at an earlier time than otherwise they would do to their friends. He trusted that the right hon. Baronet would take this into consideration. There was a feeling out of doors that enlistment was for too long a period, as it gave those men who had gone to India little opportunity of returning to their native country. He agreed with the hon. Member for Oxford that that House, in whatever decision it came to on the present occasion, should act entirely without regard to the East India Company; and he thought that the pension given by Parliament, as well as by the East India Company, would not be too much, but would indeed fall short of the meritorious services of these gallant officers.

MR. H. J. BAILLIE

was understood to say, with reference to what had been dropped by certain Members as to Sir C. Napier, that that gallant officer had obtained 70,000l. prize money at the time he conquered Scinde.

SIR DE L. EVANS

was induced to address the House chiefly in consequence of the highly gratifying communication which had been made to the House by the hon. Member for Beverley, as to the resolution of the Court of Directors. He thought that when they had departed from their precedent in this instance, he would not be presumptuous in drawing their attention to the services of those other officers who had performed actions of great glory in-this war, and which had been productive of the utmost advantage. In particular, he would refer to the services of Sir Henry Smith; and he trusted that they would not, since they had departed from precedent, consider that he was out of place in submitting such a proposal for their serious deliberation. The hon. Member for Montrose had expressed his satisfaction at the change which had been recently made by the Court of Directors, in admitting British private soldiers to commissions in cases where they were found to merit them. He considered this to be a very important gain in the regulation of the service; and he must express the high gratification he had felt at the fact, that non-commissioned officers had been raised in British regiments to the rank of commissioned officers.

SIR J. HANMER

expressed his complete concurrence in the views thrown out by the hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford. He considered that if they were asked, as Members of the House of Commons, to concur in a vote that would enable Viscount Hardinge and Lord Gough to support the honours of the Peerage, it would be more satisfactory that the pension which that vote went to bestow should be given, notwithstanding any grant made by the East India Company. He was not aware of the circumstances of these noble Lords; but when he considered that in all likelihood they were like many other gallant officers, who began the world not with much wealth, he thought that the provision which would be made, both by the House and the country, for the support of the families of the two noble Lords was not likely to be too great.

MR. HOGG

begged to explain that the Court of Directors had come to the resolution of raising non-commissioned British officers to the rank of ensigncy unattached, and on the recommendation of the Commander-in-Chief 100l. was to be given to each man so promoted, as outfit. They had also resolved, that from time to time, as occasion might arise for these men distinguishing themselves, they should be advanced through the other grades of promotion. With respect to the case of Sir H. Smith he might state that he well knew the distinguished service which that gallant officer had conferred, and so did the whole of the members of the East India Company. He had no wish to draw a distinction between the Commander-in-Chief and the other officers who had been engaged; but most certainly the latter were not deemed unworthy because the same honour was not conferred upon them. Sir H. Smith had been promoted to the staff of the army, and he might state that to be upon the staff of the Indian army was 5,000l. a year. Besides, that distinguished officer might yet realize greater promotions still; might he not become the Commander-in-Chief? Would his services not recommend him to the promotion to which he was entitled? The proper way to reward a military man was to raise him in his profession. The moment they resolved to reward every great exploit with a grant of money, they would injure, he would even say degrade, the profession. He was sure that the Government and the East India Company would be glad to recognize, and bear in mind as the occasion required, to reward in a fit and legitimate way, the many distinguished officers who had been brought under their notice.

SIR D. L. EVANS

admitted that Sir H. Smith had got on the staff of the army, which was worth 5,000l., but the question was, how long would he remain on it? It was not usual for more than five years. Sir Henry had not before him the prospect of being Commander-in-Chief, as he did not hold the rank which could lead to that. He had been thirty years in the army before he was raised to the rank of a general officer. As to the army being degraded by advances of money, commanding officers had frequently considered themselves honoured by such advances. The merits of Sir H. Smith were peculiar. His rank was such that he was not eligible to the office of Commander-in-Chief; but he had achieved a victory of which any Commander-in-Chief might well be proud. He had not made the slightest allusion to a Peerage in his former remarks. All he had ventured to say was, that he hoped the East India Company, having departed from their former precedents, would take into consideration his case as a very peculiar one.

MR. WILLIAMS

could not agree in the doctrine that future generations should be taxed to pay pensions to the descendants of these general officers. As the Government proceeded on almost all occasions on precedent, he was surprised at their departure from precedent on the present occasion. On looking back to the officers who had done services to the country, he found that, with the exception of the Duke of Wellington, the allowance to third generations had not exceeded 2,000l. a-year. There were the cases of Lord Duncan, Lord Nelson, and Lord Abercrombie, whose descendants had not more than 2,000l. a year settled upon them. He regretted the departure from precedent in this case the more, because to depart from precedent created feelings in the minds of the descendants of those distinguished officers which could not be pleasant, and which were better avoided. With respect to Sir H. Smith, there were other means of reward, and of showing a proper sense of that gallant officer's services; but two regiments had fallen vacant since those services took place, and he must say that it would have given universal satisfaction if one of them had been conferred on him. Another gallant officer who had gloriously distinguished himself in the most trying of all positions in which an army could be placed, had scarcely been mentioned, he meant General Gilbert. However, General Gilbert was in the service of the East India Company, and he trusted that they would not forget him. He did not wish to object altogether to these rewards; but he must say, that when he compared them with the rewards that been bestowed on Sir W. Nott, whose services had not been excelled by any other officer in the Comdany's service, he could not but regret that Sir W. Nott should only have had 1,000l. a year granted him by the East India Company. Sir W. Nott had left a family, as he understood, in straitened circumstances. He was quite convinced that the hon. Director (Mr. Hogg), after the feeling which had been displayed in that House, and its determination to reward these two officers, would be willing to take into consideration the services of that distinguished commander; for, if they looked back to what he had done, and considered the position in which our army was placed, and the position in which our Indian Empire was placed at the time when Sir W. Nott's services were called for; if they considered that an army had been annihilated, and that the feeling had been spread throughout India that there was at least one nation in the north of India that was indomitable by our arms, and that it was entirely by means of the ability and perseverance of Sir W. Nott that that reverse was retrieved, his merits could hardly be too highly extolled. When the Governor General, at last, in spite of the opposition of the Court of Directors, gave authority to Sir W. Nott to march to Affghanistan, but upon his own responsibility, he ventured to say that such a power never before in modern warfare had been conferred upon a general. Sir W. Nott said that there was a deficiency of some things in his army, but he cheerfully marched, without hesitating a moment, and with 6,000 men encountered 40,000, and overthrew them. He retook the fortress of Ghuznee, for taking which Lord Keane received a Peerage and a pension of 3,000l. a year for two generations. Sir W. Nott, then, and General Pollock traversed the country, and only abandoned it because such was the pleasure of the East India Company. Surely these services ought not to be rewarded in what he must call the niggardly manner in which Sir W. Nott had been rewarded. It was very likely that he had been misinformed; but if he had not been misinformed, he trusted that the Government and the East India Company would reconsider their determination with respect to his family.

MR. HOGG

should be very sorry if the East India Company were liable to the strictures which the hon. Gentleman had cast on their conduct with respect to Sir W. Nott. That gallant officer had been rewarded by the East India Company, and they did it in this way: after his return from Affghanistan, he was appointed resident at Lucknow, the most lucrative post in the gift of the Company, except a seat in Council, to which he would have inevitably have been appointed had it pleased Providence to spare his life. General Pollock has been appointed to a seat in Council, which he enjoyed at the present moment. The emoluments of that situation were not less than 10,000l. a year. It must be recollected that Sir W. Nott had returned to this country, not with the intention of permanently remaining in this country. The East India Company had voted him a pension of 1,000l. a year. He died not in affluent circumstances, it was true, but leaving a considerable sum to his widow, and legacies to each of his daughters. They had presented a memorial to the Directors of the East India Company, and, in conformity to established usage, a pension was granted to each of the unmarried daughters, and another to a grandson of Sir W. Nott, whose father had died in the service in limited circumstances. A pension had also been granted by the Company to his widow. It was painful to him (Mr. Hogg) to be driven to dilate on these circumstances; and he thought it was a pity that the hon. Gentleman did not inform himself of what had really been done by the Court of Directors before he brought so grave a charge against them, as that of neglecting the family and services of one of the most distinguished officers that had ever appeared in India, of whose services he could assure the House that the Directors were most deeply sensible.

MR. MORRIS

could confirm the statement of the hon. Member for Coventry (Mr. Williams) with respect to the straitened circumstances of Sir W. Nott's family. Of the pension of 1,000l. a year, only one quarter, he (Mr. Morris) believed, had been received by Sir W. Nott. His widow had received a pension of 300l. a year from the East India Company. Two hundred a year had also been granted by them to each of the unmarried daughters, but only as long as they remained single. One hundred a year, had besides, been granted for the education of Sir W. Nott's grandson. He had by him a memorial from the family to the right hon. Baronet (Sir R. Peel), requesting to be placed upon the pension list; and he (Mr. Morris) trusted that the right hon. Baronet would see fit to comply with that prayer.

SIR R. PEEL

Sir, the course of this debate has served strongly to show the policy of our leaving the consideration of these matters to the fountain of all honour. I adopted the usual course on this occasion. The Crown having conferred a Peerage on two individuals whose circumstances did not enable them to support the dignity, in pursuance of the usual course I proposed to Parliament, as Minister of the Crown, that we should assist by a grant; but having done so, the debate has taken a course which has led to a review of the military services of almost all the gallant officers who have served in the late Indian campaigns. Reference has been made to Sir H. Smith; the mention of his name called up hon. Members to speak of the services of Sir C. Napier; then General Gibert was mentioned; and now the services of Sir W. Nott and General Pollock have been brought in review before the House. This being the case, the House must see how unfit we are to enter upon the discussion of these subjects, and of the rewards to which each officer is entitled, and the degree of merit which belongs to him. The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Williams) finds fault with the provision which I have proposed for the services of Lord Hardinge; because, he says, that there is no usage for granting more than 2,000l. a year to the descendants in the third generation of officers who have been rewarded by Parliament. Sir, in the outset of my speech making this proposal to the House, I stated that it was my intention to ask nothing contrary to precedent, in order that we might come to an unanimous decision on this occasion. The hon. Gentleman is mistaken in what he states. Lord Amherst, for the conquest of Canada, was rewarded by a pension of 3,000l. a year; Lord Rodney had a grant of a pension of 3,000l. a year for three lives, and not 2,000l. a year merely. At that time the Irish Pension List was in existence, and Lord Rodney had only 2,000l. a year voted by Parliament from the funds of this country; the other 1,000l. a year being charged on the Irish establishment. Similar arrangements took place in the cases of Lord Duncan and Lord St. Vincent. Therefore, when the hon. Gentleman said that only 2,000l. a year had ever been granted to the descendants in the third generation of distinguished officers, he was in error. I will not say a word on the merits of these gallant officers. This is not a fit place to enter upon that discussion. I have already attempted to do justice to the merits of Sir H. Smith and the other officers who have been referred to; and I think that the feeling which was manifested by the House on that occasion proved that there was no indisposition among us to do justice to the very high merits of Sir H. Smith. I am sure I spared no effort to mark my sense of his services. The Crown, it must always be remembered, has the power to reward the survivors of a campaign whose services demand it; and the whole military patronage of the Crown is available for such purposes, as has been shown in the instance of General Pollock and other distinguished officers. Sir, we have made the patronage of the Crown available to mark our sense of such services, and I have no doubt that Sir H. Smith will share that patronage as occasion occurs. On a recent occasion who was sent for by the Governor General to take the post of second in command of the army of the Punjaub? It was Sir C. Napier. What higher honour than that could be conferred? He was sent for from Scinde to take that high post, which had been assigned to him by the Governor General. The circumstance of the termination of the war when he came up prevented that intention from being carried into effect; but I mention this for the purpose of showing that the Crown has the power of rewarding distinguished services, and that there is no indisposition on the part of the Government to use that power. But when hon. Gentlemen are disposed to be so generous to the survivors, they must recollect that the Crown has had brought under its consideration the claims of those who died in the service. Sir R. Dick, Sir R. Sale, and General M'Caskill all fell in the recent campaign. General M'Caskill has left seven daughters; Sir R. Sale has loft a family very inadequately provided for; Sir R. Dick has also loft a family. I think that is enough to show what must be the number of such claims, made under peculiar circumstances, and I think, also, that it is better to leave them to the bounty of the Crown, than deprive the Crown of that grace and favour of which, according to ancient usage, it is the proper fountain. I can only further state, on the part of the Crown, that so far as the limited means at the disposal of the Crown will allow, there is every disposition to mark its sense of the gallant services of those officers who have died in service, as well as its respect for the survivors; and, certainly, no claims upon the bounty of the Crown are stronger than those of the men who have shown themselves worthy of it by their gallant services.

LORD J. RUSSELL

agreed with the right hon. Baronet that all favour and honour ought to proceed from the Crown; but when the right hon. Gentleman spoke of the limited means for rewarding services that were placed at the disposal of the Crown, he must say, that though he thought that it would be inconvenient either that the House should originate these grants, or that the Members should be coming down too frequently to propose them at the instance of the Crown; still he trusted that the right hon. Gentleman, if he thought those means of which he had spoken were not sufficient for this purpose, should ask the House of Commons at once to vote a sum from which the Crown might reward services as they arose, rather than have the ungrateful task of refusing those whom he, as the Minister of the Crown, thought ought to have pensions granted them, as in the case of the daughters of Sir W. Nott.

Vote agreed to.

The House resumed: Resolution to be reported.