MR. O'CONNELLavailed himself of the Order of the Day for resuming the adjourned debate on the Protection of Life (Ireland Bill) to express his regret that he had not been able to be present yesterday when the noble Earl opposite (the Earl of Lincoln) made his speech on introducing his three Bills. He hoped he should not be considered arrogant if he apologized for his absence; but he was at a meeting on 377 the important subject of the education of Roman Catholics, which he felt bound to attend. Had he been able, he should have had great pleasure in listening to the speech of the noble Lord; and even through the not very lucid medium of the published reports, he saw that the noble Lord had deeply considered the question on which he enunciated his views. The tone and temper seemed excellently suited to the occasion; and had he (Mr. O'Connell) been in his place, he should have said a few words merely to direct attention to some principles he deemed of importance. He should not detain the House more than a few minutes, and he hoped he might be allowed now to proceed. In the first place, he would remark that the noble Lord's measure was too retrospective; it did nothing for the existing tenants. The great object was to produce tranquillity in Ireland; and in order to accomplish that end the Bill ought to be made applicable to the present race of tenants. It might be urged that their expenditure upon the land had not been much, since they had no certainty of being remunerated. The attempt ought to be made to give the occupiers fixity of tenure—words frequently assailed, but implying what it was most desirable to accomplish for Ireland. Next, he would direct the attention of the noble Lord to the evidence respecting the tenant right in Ulster. The witnesses had not only been numerous, but most credible; they were persons incapable of deceiving, and they all declared that the tenant right in Ulster was a great source of prosperity and tranquillity. It could not be more strongly recommended to the House than what had been stated regarding it by the agents of the Marquess of Londonderry and Lord Lurgan. He feared that the Bill as it stood might induce many landlords to combat with their tenants; and in that respect it might have a very bad effect. He also submitted that compensation to tenants ought to be estimated at the time of the expiration of their leases; whatever improvement had been produced on the land ought to be given to the tenant, and the consequence would be that the landlord would be better secured in future. It would operate as an inducement with him to grant new leases to tenants, who would have claims at the expiration of their terms. As to the difficulty of ascertaining how much the land had been improved, he might observe that the same difficulty existed at present. A very 378 little alteration in the machinery of the Bill would give periodical ascertainments of what had been expended in labour or in money upon an estate. At present the law respecting the planting of timber was analogous to what he desired to see it: at present the tenant had not only the full benefit of the crop at the expiration of his lease, but he was entitled to one cutting after that expiration. He had taken the liberty of throwing out these suggestions, being most anxious to assist the noble Lord in carrying out his objects. He was extremely desirous that the Bill should be read a second time, and then referred to a Select Committee for such improvements as it might be thought capable of receiving in order to render it a most beneficial measure. He was certain that it was the wish and intention of the noble Lord to make it so; but he had considerable apprehension that in its present form the measure was not calculated to do all the good of which it was susceptible.